September 1, 2002
OCTOBER SURPRISE?
It is a longstanding political practice that when
the outcome of elections is in doubt the ruling party, of
whatever
designation, tries to change the cards in its favor by creating
a
foreign policy crisis. The assumption is that the
nation will
rally around the flag and you just "can't change horses in
midstream." The upcoming midterm elections may well provide a
great temptation repeat this time-tested paradigm. The more so
since
the Republicans have only a slim margin in the House and have lost the
Senate
by one vote. Furthermore it is also a historic fact that the party
which
controls the White House tends to lose rather than gain seats in
midterm
elections. Thus the Republicans are potentially in dire straits and
their hope
of gaining a solid majority in both houses of Congress
may require a radical foreign policy coup. The
only
one that seems readily available and tailor-made is the ouster of
Saddam
Hussein.
I have been told that, as the saying goes, "It’s
a done deal." On October 15 Saddam's government will
be
taken out by tactical air-borne strikes. U.S. elite
forces
which are already assembled in Turkey, Qatar, Kuwait plus some other
sites, will
drop from the sky onto Baghdad and take over.
The
Iraqi people will cheer like the Afghans did in Kabul and the November
elections will be in the bag. When I told my informant, who is
influential in
Republican circles, that this sounds more like Texas Ranger Walker from
the
famed TV series rather than a realistic plan for battle because
everything
hinges on us knowing where Saddam is staying at a given moment, my
concerns were
dismissed with "oh we know!" Well, I'm not privy to what the
President and his advisors really know, but I do remember that our
mission in
Afghanistan was to "get Osama bin-Laden dead or alive" and that is
still in limbo.
I met my informant, whose right to privacy I intend to honor, during
the early
part of August when I had the opportunity to participate in an
experiment of "grass roots" democracy. As a result of
articles on this website, as well as others which I had submitted to
the Salt
Lake Tribune, I became acquainted with, Maha, a young
woman
who has relatives in Jordan. She and her husband are also deeply
disturbed by
the conditions the Palestinians have to live under in the West Bank and
Gaza.
She is, however, not content to merely bemoan their fate and write
letters to
the Tribune but she is a genuine well meaning activist in the best
sense of the
word. She has organized and participated in candle light vigils
in downtown Salt Lake City and in addition she arranged
meetings with
our Representatives and Senators.
My physical condition no longer permits me to participate in
candlelight vigils
and protest marches but when she called me about joining a meeting with
one of
our senators I was most happy to oblige. I was especially interested
because I
had been prevented from seeing him last year by his secretaries who
vigorously
guard him from his constituents, as mentioned in the June 2001
installment. Since
I had been unable to visit with the senator I
had left a copy of Whither Zionism?
with the secretaries, urging them to be sure to hand it in
person to
their boss. I even went the extra mile and sent an additional copy to
the
senator's Washington office. I was, therefore, most curious to
find out
what the fate of that little book had been and came armed with another
copy.
As it turned out there were eleven of us who met that
afternoon with
our "junior" senator and he was gracious enough to listen to
everyone. Attempts to meet with the senior senator had been
unsuccessful
because he talks only through intermediaries. But senator Bennett lent
us his
ears although when half an hour had passed the expected knock at the
door came
to let us know that we had overstayed our welcome. Nevertheless we
persevered
and he had to acquiesce in order not to sound too impolite. We informed
him that America's unconditional support of the policies of the Sharon
government is not in the best interest of either Israel or our own
country, that
the plight of the
Palestinian people is severe and unless
that issue is addressed, security for
Israelis and
Americans is a forlorn hope. Desperate people resort to
desperate
measures. We also told him that what is being done in
that
part of the world in America's name does not conform to the
principles
we as American citizens stand for and that he should be using
his
influence in the Senate to become a voice of reason rather than merely
obeying
the party leadership.
I actually was given the honor by the group to lead off with the
discussion and
my first question was: "Senator, have you
seen
this book?" while holding up Whither Zionism? He
looked surprised and answered: "No." I then
proceeded to tell him of my futile efforts to get this little booklet
into his
hands. I also told him that he ought to have a word with his staff. He
should
inform them that when efforts are made by his constituents to
personally brief
him on issues which are in the vital interest of our country and for
which he
will cast his vote they should be respected. I
subsequently put
the booklet in his hand and said: "Senator, please
read
it on the plane to Washington because that's all the time it takes, and
then
let me know what you think of it!" He smiled, said
that
he would but I have no illusions that he really did so. At any
rate
that was the last I have heard from him but I intend to send him an
e-mail.
Persistency paid off even for the poor widow and the hard headed judge
as we
can read in the gospels.
In concert with some of the others I also told the senator
point blank that military action on part of America to
remove Saddam from power is ill advised. Even if it were to
succeed it
is likely to turn the Arab masses against us. This is not the way to
win the
war against terror but is on the contrary an open invitation for more
attacks
on American lives and property. At that point he became
adamant and
recited the well known mantra that Saddam is a
dangerous
madman and criminal who has poisoned his own people,
has started two wars against his neighbors, has
stockpiles of weapons of mass destructions, is working to get
more, will
have in short order nuclear capability and this must be prevented at
all cost.
He is sure to unleash anthrax, smallpox, the
plague
and other assorted ills against our country which puts us into terrible
danger.
It was obvious that the senator's mind was closed and reason could not
reach
him. But let us look at the facts now and the Encyclopedia
Britannica tends to be a reliable resource for history. When
one
consults it, Saddam looks actually a great deal more rational
than
he is being portrayed currently. What was, however,
the most
surprising aspect is that we owe the Middle East mess to
none
other than our own President Wilson and his famous 14
points.
The Ottoman Empire which controlled the area was to be dismembered,
Wilson told
Congress on January 8, 1918. The non-Turkish nationalities of the
empire should
be "assured of an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous
development." Let us remember, however, that America
was
not even at war with the Ottoman Empire when Wilson already disposed of
it.
When it came to divide the spoils after the war, the British
and the
French had no use for truly independent
nations and established a series of client states.
Present day Iraq was cobbled together from
the former
Ottoman provinces of Mosul, Baghdad and Basra but was far
from
ethnically uniform and served mainly British interests. The
borders we
now know were finalized in 1922. These were, of course, arbitrarily
drawn and
the biggest losers for self-determination were the
Kurds. Their tribal area was parceled out to Turkey,
Iraq and
Iran.
The Brits wanted to have a League of Nations mandate over Iraq but the Iraqis
insisted on nationhood and gave the British a hard
time until
independence was achieved in 1932. Initially
the
country was a constitutional monarchy but it was toppled by a military
coup in 1958. A claim by the revolutionary
government
to Kuwait was abandoned in 1961 when Britain
and some
Arab governments opposed it. Another rebellion in 1963
brought the Ba'th party ("Revival"
or "Renaissance") to power with Saddam Hussein, our
"madman," as one of its prominent members.
The party advocated Arab nationalism and socialism. Several
other coups occurred thereafter until 1968
when the
Ba'th party took control again and Saddam Hussein,
with a group of armed officers arrested the chief cabinet
minister,
an-Nayif. Contrary to expectations he was not executed but was sent
as
ambassador to Morocco. The president of the Republic,
Al-Bakr, remained in office until 1979 when his
mantle fell on
Saddam as his successor who had
actually been
running most of the government affairs for several years already
because
Al-Bakr was elderly and in poor health. Industries were nationalized,
agrarian
reform initiated and irrigation projects were carried out. A small
private
sector was permitted to exist and there was also a mixture of private
and state
enterprises.
But there were some domestic and foreign complications. The Kurds
tried
on several occasions to overthrow the Ba'th regime and in
1974
they initiated a full fledged war.
They had help
from the Shah of Iran who was interested in the disputed
waterway of
the Shatt-al-Arab. Saddam met with the Shah in 1975
and a
treaty was negotiated which ended the war against the Kurds
because
they no longer had Iranian support.
Saddam started his presidency in
1979 by discovering
a plot to overthrow him whereupon he had 22
conspirators
executed while others were sent to
prison.
This had a salutary effect and Saddam's rule has never been
seriously
challenged thereafter. The reasons for the Iran-Iraq
war
were directly related to the overthrow of the Shah in 1979.
Although Iraq recognized the Khomeini regime this was not mutual
because the Ayatollah
regarded the secular Saddam as a bad Muslim and
insisted on fomenting an Islamic revolution
in Iraq.
There were also some minor border disputes, and skirmishes were
frequent. On
September 17, 1980 Saddam announced that he had abrogated the 1975
agreement
with Iran, because the Iranians had already broken it. Iraqi forces
invaded
Iran on Sept.21-22 and also bombed various targets in that country. The
UN
stepped in and called for a cease-fire. Saddam agreed under
the proviso
that the Iranians did likewise which they were in no mood to do.
From
then on the war dragged on, the Iranians enlisted the
help of the
Kurds again and that is when Saddam, in
order to
protect the northern portion of his country, used chemical
weapons
"on his own people." This solved the problem in the north
but Basra was still threatened.
By the mid-1980's Saddam looked mighty good to the Reagan
administration, certainly better than the Ayatollah, and American
help began to arrive. Another Security Council
resolution in
1987 which urged Iraq and Iran to stop hostilities
and return to their respective borders was accepted by Iraq
but ignored
by Iran. Only when Khomeini saw that the war could not be won
and was
afraid of an internal uprising did he accept Resolution 598 in August
of 1988,
but it took another ten years before all aspects of the resolution had
been
implemented.
During these ten years Saddam tried to raise his
stature in
the Arab world by cooperative agreements with his neighbors and a
non-aggression pact with Saudi Arabia as well as Bahrain. It is
understandable
that he smarted from the Israeli attack on his nuclear reactor
in 1981,
while he was fighting the Iranians, and told the Israelis that
if they
were to attack his country again he would retaliate with
chemical
weapons. This upset the Reagan administration and led to
strained
relationships. Saddam added fuel to the glowing
embers by
making, in typical oriental hyperbole, inflammatory
remarks
about the West's hostile attitude, which paved the
way for the
Gulf War.
Apart from the problem with the Kurds there had been a long
standing
dispute about the legitimacy of Kuwait as a separate nation.
As mentioned
above, Iraq had, even before Saddam's ascension to power, regarded the
country
as one of its provinces. It was the British who had nixed the idea
because they
had their own fish to fry in that part of the world. Not only was there
the
sovereignty aspect, but there was also a dispute about
two strategically located islands at the head of the gulf, and
negotiations between the two countries about their fate went nowhere.
In
addition Iraq was in serious
financial difficulties as a result of the Iran-Iraq war. It owed
$80 billion, half of which was to go to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Saddam,
in his naiveté, had assumed that his
Arab
brothers would not only forgive the
debt
but, in the spirit of the Marshall plan, help with the
reconstruction
of his country. He may well have thought that they owed him
something
for having saved their regimes from succumbing to an Iranian style of
Muslim
fundamentalism. But Arabs are not Americans and they
not only left
him high and dry, but also increased oil production
which dropped the price and thereby reduced
Saddam's
revenues. The invasion of Kuwait was intended
to solve his financial problems and help the
cause of
Iraqi nationalism. The decision was made
even easier by a misunderstanding of what the American
ambassador had
said prior to the invasion. She seemed to have implied that
America
had no vital interest in this dispute.
But Papa Bush and Maggie Thatcher said "this will not stand" and the
Gulf war was on. President Bush senior is now being criticized
for "not having finished the job" when he had the chance to
get rid of Saddam. But these connoisseurs of history
fail to
remember that Bush led a coalition and was acting under
an UN mandate which demanded only
the
restoration of Kuwait's integrity. Regime change was not in the cards!
In the aftermath of the gulf war Iraq
was devastated.
The Kurds in the north and the Shiites in
the south
tried to get independence from Baghdad but
after our initial encouragement of these efforts we withdrew
support
from the insurrectionists and left them to Saddam's not so tender
mercies.
Apparently our policy makers thought that a weak, ineffectual,
but
geographically intact Iraq would serve their purposes better
than a dismembered one.
Since I have not examined Saddam in person I am not
entitled
to make a psychiatric diagnosis but from the history as presented above
I find
it difficult to believe that the man is irrational. Throughout his
career he has
acted in self-interest, like any good politician,
although he has frequently underestimated his opponents.
This
is a not uncommon mistake to which even
the Johnson
administration succumbed. Let us also remember that Saddam
is now 65 years old, has not embarked on any military ventures
in the
past ten years, and there is reason to hope that he might have
learned
from the mistakes of his youth. It is unlikely that he is
either going
to "nuke us" now or in the future, nor will he send us chemical
weapons either directly or by proxy. With all the war hype
which is
going on nobody seems to ask the question why he would intend
to attack
us. He is not stupid and knows that
any such
act would be the end of him. He is not even likely to
attack
Israel, which would be the only logical target because
we, if
not the Israelis, would wipe him out and I do not
believe that
he is suicidal. If the Israelis feel threatened they have
ample
military resources to destroy Saddam's regime and I fail to see a
reason why we
ought to do the job for them.
Regardless whether it's October 15 or some other date,
President
Bush seems to feel obligated to finish the job his father had
supposedly left undone. It looks like that he
has
already painted himself into a corner by all the bellicose
rhetoric
and he may now feel that face has to be saved and bombs have to fall. UN
approval is neither regarded as necessary nor
desirable. All
that is needed now is an event which leads to
some
loss of American equipment or lives, which can be used to infuriate the
public.
But that should present no problem inasmuch as ample
precedents exist how a casus belli
can be
manufactured at a moment's notice. Incidents at the no-fly
zones, for
instance, could readily provide the analogue of a Gulf of
Tonkin
event which served the Johnson administration so well
in its
quest to justify expansion of the war in Viet Nam.
Let us now assume for the sake of
argument
that everything goes miraculously well, it's all over
within a
few days before Saddam can send rockets loaded with biologic weapons to
Israel,
which he would surely do under other circumstances, and there is only
relatively minor "collateral damage" among the civilian population. Saddam
is dead and the Ba'th party gone, then what? We will
install
the analogue of a Karzai regime in Baghdad but it is not
likely to have much control over the rest of the country. The government
will be regarded as an illegitimate stooge
for
American interests, and Muslim fanatics, as well as
Iraqi
nationalists will do their best to destabilize it. The Kurds
will in all likelihood want their independence
but
that will create a problem with our
NATO
ally Turkey because the Kurds may want to have their Turkish
brethren
in their own nation. This is what President Wilson had promised them
after all.
The same secessionist trends apply to the Basra
district. The Shiites living in the area may
want to join their fellow Shiites in Iran and that is likewise
not
in our interest. Who wants to make Iran stronger than the
country
already is? The next "war of liberation" against Iran is then
automatically preprogrammed. Is that what the "Bushies" really want?
The British tried to control the Middle-East with governments
of their
choice. They failed! What is the reason to believe that we will be more
successful? The fundamental problem is that we expect that
everybody
in the rest of the world has to think like us and when they don't they
ought to
be made to do so. It won't work. Oriental traditions are different from
ours
and cannot be shed by an executive fiat from Washington. We also ought
to
realize that Iraq, which basically is the
ancient
Mesopotamia, has produced the first great civilization
this world has known. Americans see only the current situation but
people in
that part of the world have longer memories. They view themselves as
the descendants
of the Sumerians, Assyrians, Babylonians who have ruled their
countries long before there was a Western civilization which is
actually in
part derived from them. Before there was a Moses there was a
Hammurabi
and it was his laws, including the famous eye for an
eye,
which became incorporated into the Bible. If we have
our pride
so do they have theirs.
While I am highly skeptical of a military
solution
to our fight against the "axis of evil," there is, of course, another
point of view as expressed, among others, by Mr. Podhoretz
in
the current issue of Commentary. He loves the "Bush
doctrine" of pre-emptive strikes and firmly believes that the
"Afghan model" will work. Once Baghdad is liberated
Iran will fall on its own accord, as the next domino, and by
implication so
will the other Muslim regimes we are not fond of. Apparently
the
supporters of al Qaeda will then either see the light of democracy or
just
whither on the vine. Well, anything is possible, what is
likely is
another matter. It would,
therefore,
behoove the hawks in our administration, and
especially President
Bush, to remember that it takes only one party to make war but two to
make
peace. Once war starts in earnest there is no way of knowing how and
when it
will end.
Will there be the mentioned October surprise? No one can know
for sure
but the world may well be
confronted
sooner or later with a fait accompli.
We, the citizens and taxpayers in whose name all of this being done,
have just
as little influence on the actions of our government as the Germans had
under
Hitler. But in contrast to those days democracy allows us to raise our
voices
in warning. If and when the war comes it will hardly be a
surprise for
anyone any more. The only real surprise would be if reason won out over
passion.
|