June 1, 2003
CHURCHILL AND HITLER
The topic of this installment was prompted by two
events
during this lull between military campaigns in our war on terrorism.
The first
one was that I had come across the recently released new edition of Sir
Charles
Wilson's war diaries Churchill at War 1940-45. The second was
a TV
miniseries Hitler The Rise of Evil, which was shown in the
middle of
last month. These coincidences made me wonder if there will be a future
Plutarch who will write an objective assessment of these "Parallel
Lives." It is not possible at this time because even if it
were
written it would not be published, and if it were published, it would
not be
reviewed and the book relegated to oblivion. The myths which have grown
up
around these two personalities must be preserved or the entire current
political world-view of that era, and its consequences, would collapse.
Yet it
is a fact that the fate of these two people was so intertwined that neither
would have become what he was without the other. In the
following
pages I shall give a skeleton outline how these parallel lives led the
one to
greatness and the other to ruin.
Sir Charles who wrote the above cited book was Churchill's
physician from June of 1940 until his death in 1965. He
accompanied
him on most, if not all, conference trips abroad and was elevated in
1943 to
"1st Baron Moran of Manton" for his services. As he
reports, this puzzled a young Russian interpreter no end on one of his
trips to
Moscow. "You are Lord Moran, and he is Mister Churchill?" was a
discrepancy this poor Soviet citizen could not fathom. The diaries
provide us,
however, not only with an intimate glimpse of Churchill
but
also of the other major leaders of the day, although remarkable enough
Hitler
hardly figures. The book ends with the diary entry of July 27, 1945 the
day
after Churchill had lost the election by a landslide to the Labor
government
and Attlee had become Prime Minister. Yet these are only the first 308
pages of
an 848 page book Churchill. Taken from the Diaries of Lord Moran,
published in 1966, which I found at the Marriott Library of the
University of
Utah.
While Churchill at War reinforces the picture of the solitary
war time
hero who had stood up to evil against all odds, the complete book gives
a
considerably more rounded picture, and I shall rely on this publication
for the
subsequent analysis. It shows that Churchill's life basically fell into
three
major portions: up to May 1940 when he became Prime Minister at age 65;
the war
years until he was voted out of power; and the subsequent slow decay,
in spite
of re-election in 1951, until his death at age 91 in 1965. But even
within the
war, the height of his glory, there are clearly three phases. The first
from
May 1940 to December 1941 when America was drawn into the war, the
second ended
essentially with the Teheran conference, while the third lasted till
his
landslide defeat by the Labor Party in July 1945.
Immediately prior to WWII Churchill
was out
of a job and had a very dubious reputation. He had switched
parties
twice and his political colleagues did not trust his judgment.
He was regarded as a flamboyant adventurer and the Gallipoli disaster
in 1915
which had cost 20,000 lives was laid at his feet. He was never allowed
to live
it down before WWII. Although he is regarded as a brilliant
orator
public speaking was not his natural forte. His speech was
halting, he
lisped and he dreaded major speeches, even during the
war.
Some of his most famous ones, which he gave in Parliament, were read
on
the BBC by an actor. His strength was the written
rather than spoken word and he carefully prepared his
speeches, filing
key phrases and, like Hitler, practiced them before a mirror. But
unlike Hitler
his speeches never aroused the passions of his colleagues in Parliament
and as
Moran wrote,
"Winston had no idea what was going on in their minds. He said a piece.
It
was a kind of one way traffic, he thought more of the sound of his
words than
their effect on his audience. It was rather a cold-blooded business, I
suppose,
the words picked so deliberately as in some fine balancing act, the
sentences
built up with cool deliberation in his own bedroom. The speech from
beginning
to end had been contrived beforehand, every word typed out, the very
pauses
marked in the script. Even his expression as he mouthed his carefully
polished
periods had been observed and studied before the looking glass."
Churchill's warnings about the danger Hitler
presented to the established order might have gone over better with
responsible
circles in government had he not used marked exaggerations,
which were patently false, and vindictive
language.
Some other similarities between Hitler's and
Churchill's opinions have already been presented in War
& Mayhem. These included: passionate love for war, a
disdain for
"colored people," the necessity for eugenic efforts, the
establishment of "labor colonies" for "tramps and
wastrels," so that they be "made to realize their duty to the
state." He bullied others and could reduce grown men to submit to his
will
by shouting matches. Humanitarian concerns about civilian casualties in
war did
not exist for him. He intended to float down mines in the Rhine river,
was in
favor of terror bombing of cities to demoralize the civilian
population, and in
1944 approved the manufacture of 500,000 bombs capable of delivering
poison gas
and anthrax to decimate the German population. But these projects were,
fortunately, never carried out.
These aspects of his character were known in Britain but are relegated
to
oblivion now. Had Churchill lost the war he would have been
tried and
convicted for war crimes. Moran, who obviously liked and
admired
Churchill, was nevertheless, puzzled by the internal contradictions of
what he
called on one occasion "this strange creature." He records a
characteristic exchange in a diary entry of August 12, 1956 between
himself and
Sir John Anderson (Viscount Waverley; former Lord President of the
Council and
in 1943 Chancellor of the Exchequer)
"Moran: "If Winston had died in 1939, before the war
what would history have said of him?"
John (becoming very serious): "he had been wrong about so many things:
India for example, and he was wrong on finance, and wrong on Gallipoli
. . . .
And he wasn't a very good Home Secretary. Then when he was in
opposition he was
isolated and Winston needs advisers, who will say to him; 'Winston you
are
making a fool out of yourself.' . . . . Left to himself, Winston's
judgment was
a menace. No, if he had died then he would have gone down as a
failure."
Moran: "What about the war?'
John: "Well, he had this wonderful gift for inspiring people.
He was, too, astonishingly fertile in ideas; some were hopeless, of
course, but
something came out of others. And he was, as you know, a
wonderful
mouthpiece of the nation. No, I agree he couldn't place
people, and he
was no good in administration unless somebody held his hand. But his
imagination was his most valuable gift. And there was something . . . "
(John hesitated for the word) ". . . something selfless about Winston;
if
an idea got hold of him he would follow it up with endless
enthusiasm
and energy, quite regardless of whether it would help him
personally."
These were the characteristics which made the British people accept
Churchill
as a leader during war but reject him as soon as the war was won. For
the
British, dictatorship was a necessary evil during war but not to be
perpetuated
in peace-time when other qualities were called for. Churchill's
re-election in
1951, in-spite of failing health, was essentially a reward for his
war-time
services and to assuage the guilt for having dismissed him at the
height of his
triumph. This had been a severe blow to him and exacerbated his
tendency to intermittent
life-long depressions which he called the "black dog
business." Although he was mentally no longer up to the job he stood
for
election because the need for power was in his blood
and he
just couldn't let go. This posed a dilemma for Moran, the physician.
Should he
have told him point blank? "Winston [they were good friends and on
first
name basis], stay in retirement, enjoy the world-wide accolades you are
receiving,
you are no longer the man you once were and another term as PM is not
the best
thing for the country." But Moran knew that out of office Churchill's
purpose in life would have vanished and the man would have sunk into
even
greater depressions than he was already experiencing. As a doctor who
considered his patient above all else he encouraged him to run for
office. A
series of minor strokes and a major one disabled Churchill to an extent
that
four years later he was forced to resign by his party.
In this connection Moran also commented on Roosevelt's
appearance at
Yalta, "The president looked old and thin and drawn; he had a
cape or shawl over his shoulders and appeared shrunken; he sat
looking
straight ahead with his mouth open, as if he were not taking things in.
Everyone was shocked by his appearance and gabbed about it afterwards."
On
another occasion Moran commented that "Winston became impatient with
the
President's apathy and indifference [at Yalta]. He did not seem to
realize that
Roosevelt was a very sick man." When one looks at the famous Yalta
photograph of the "Big Three" it is obvious that
Roosevelt was dying and I personally have a feeling
that he
had cancer because cerebro-vascular disease alone would not account for
this
obvious weight loss. But diagnosis aside, there is a more important
problem.
Roosevelt should not have been allowed to run for a fourth term in
1944. During
a time when momentous decisions had to be made the country required a
sound
mind at the helm and the only positive aspect that came from that
election was
the appointment of Truman as Vice President. Truman could not undo all
the harm
that had been done in Teheran and Yalta but at least he prevented
further
inroads by Stalin at Potsdam and thereafter. Thus, the question
remains for the physician who is in charge of
the
leader of a country, "where does your duty lie?" Should the
will of the patient, and his "court camarilla," override the good of
the country? I cannot answer it but in our age where the fate of the
world can
be decided by the push of a button the question needs to be
discussed
openly and guidelines issued.
As mentioned, Churchill saw the potential nightmare scenario
unfolding
after the Teheran conference and became deeply concerned about
not
only how his war for the honor and glory of England had turned out but
also the
ultimate fate of the world. He sincerely detested communism and said on
one
occasion in 1947 in a private conversation,” If ever it comes to the
triumph of
the Communists, I hope that some people will have the guts to resist. I
am
prepared to commit a crime" - he spoke more quickly and with emphasis -
"to throw a bomb among the most subversive people. I am not afraid of
death." Clemmie, the good wife knew how to handle him when he had
worked himself
up, just said," Have a little more brandy, Winston." In a 1954 speech
at Woodford he said, "Even before the war had ended, and while the
Germans
were surrendering by the thousands . . . I telegraphed to Lord
Montgomery
directing him to be careful in collecting the German arms, to stack
them so
that they could easily be issued again to the German soldiers whom we
should
have to work with if the Soviet advance continued." The comment created
a
furor in the press; the mentioned telegram has never been found and may
never
have been sent. But it does represent Churchill's genuine feelings
about the
state of post-war affairs. As an aside I might mention that, as
reported in War&Mayhem,
we, the soldiers of the Wehrmacht, would only have been too
happy to
join the Brits and Americans in order to send the Russians from Central
Europe
back to their own country.
"Poor England," Churchill kept repeating after the war
and especially after the existence of the atomic bomb had become known.
In 1946
he felt that a pre-emptive war against the Soviet Union should
be
launched within the next few months before Stalin got the bomb.
It is
also remarkable how his attitude to the German people changed after
they had
been thoroughly defeated and the Soviets were in charge. During the war
he had
routinely referred to the Germans, even in private conversations, as
"The
Hun" and had countersigned the Morgenthau plan, which would have
reduced
Germans to subsistence levels, but in 1954 he was all for rearming
Germany. "They
are fine fellows. That is the element which has been the strength of
England
for a thousand years; responsibility, constancy." When Moran asked him
in
the same year on another occasion, "what would happen to Germany if
there
was war between Russia and the United States?" "Poor lambs, they
would be over-run and our neutrality would not save us. I wanted
America to
have a show-down with the Soviet Republic before the Russians had the
bomb."
On the other hand when Stalin died and Malenkov took over,
Churchill
was eager to make peace. He repeatedly urged Eisenhower to
arrange for
a three man summit conference but ran
into a
brick wall. Neither Ike nor Foster Dulles wanted to even
explore the
changed realities. Churchill had to resign himself to another failure.
Now only
the goal to leave the most admirable picture of his life for posterity
remained. "History will be kind to me, because I shall write it,"
he reportedly said. As Moran noted, Churchill became obsessed in the
last years
of life how the press wrote about him and became very upset over
negative
comments. Moran closed his diary entries in March 1960 with a cruise
they took
on Onassis' yacht to the Caribbean. The last five years were simply
slow,
progressive mental decay which needed not to be chronicled.
But as mentioned earlier Churchill's days of political glory
were actually limited to three of his 91 years,
between 1940 and 1943. From then on his, and England's,
influence was
permanently eclipsed by America. "Poor England," he kept muttering
but he also said that "I will not be the grave digger of the British
Empire." Nevertheless, when one views his decisions objectively, that
was
indeed his role. He saved England but lost the empire.
The
fact that he sensed it himself is attested to by a comment to Moran
when he
mumbled, "I ought not . . . I must not . . . be held to account . . .
for
all . . . that has gone wrong." The fate of the
empire,
which had been tottering even prior to the war, was sealed at
Teheran.
Since this conference was pivotal for the rest of the war and post-war
history,
although it has been largely ignored by the popular media, I shall now
present
the essence.
When Churchill made his defiant speeches in June and July of 1940, he
knew that
eventually America would come to the rescue, just as in WWI, and all he
had to
do was to hang on long enough for America to be able to do so. While he
still
had considerable influence on the conduct of the war up to 1943 it had
become
apparent to him by the time of the Teheran conference that the
center
of gravity had shifted and decisions were no longer
made in
London but Washington and Moscow. Churchill's personal
influence on
Roosevelt had also declined to an extent that the latter didn't even
want to
talk to him any more because their goals had diverged. Churchill had
fought the
war for the preservation of the British Empire while Roosevelt's goal
was
"free trade" throughout the world, and the abolition of all colonies,
regardless of whether they were British, French, Dutch or whatever. At
Teheran
Roosevelt side-lined Churchill and negotiated directly with Stalin.
Harry
Hopkins (FDR's most intimate advisor) told Moran at that time that in a
"heart-to-heart talk" the President,
"made it clear that he was anxious to relieve the pressure on the
Russian
front by invading France. Stalin expressed his gratification, and when
the
President went on to say that he hoped Malaya, Burma and other British
colonies
would soon 'be educated in the arts of self-government' the talk became
quite
intimate. The President felt encouraged by Stalin's grasp of the
democratic
issue at stake, but he warned him not to discuss India with the Prime
Minister.
Stalin's slit eyes do not miss much; he must have taken it all in.
As I listened to Harry, I felt the President's attitude will encourage
Stalin
to take a stiff line in the conference. But Harry is not worried.
Things are
going fine he said."
When one looks back nearly sixty years later one is appalled
what this
unfortunate conference and Roosevelt's plus Hopkins' naiveté
have brought us. Europe
was cut in half, for nearly fifty years; Africa became one vast
disaster zone
with tribal wars and accompanying famine; China became communist; Burma
is a
dictatorship, India and Pakistan are at each others throats over
Kashmir; and
the other South-east Asia countries Hopkins mentioned are fertile
spawning
grounds for Muslim extremists. Roosevelt thought that
he
would bring democracy to the world but in fact he
brought
us chaos. It is truly terrible to see that our current
government
seems to be pursuing a similar disastrous course.
But to return to Churchill. As Moran makes clear, up to the summer of
1943
Churchill still had a fair amount of influence on FDR. He persuaded
Roosevelt
to make the war in Europe the number 1 priority with the Pacific
theater the
secondary one. He also convinced Roosevelt, over General Marshall's
objections,
to postpone the invasion of France in 1942, which Stalin urged. Instead
the
North African and subsequently Italian campaign was pursued which had
only half
hearted support from Roosevelt and none from Stalin. After 1941
Churchill's conduct of the war was driven
by three major considerations. One was to get Rommel
out of
Africa and secure the Suez Canal; the other to drive through
Italy,
Trieste and Yugoslavia for Vienna, thereby saving the Balkans
for the
West; and in addition he was deathly afraid of a
repeat of the
trench warfare of WWI. The German Wehrmacht
had to be bled white first in Russia, and
the
American infantry had to be steeled in battle against lesser forces before
the channel was to be crossed. But Roosevelt's
nightmare
was that Stalin would come to a separate
arrangement
with Hitler, if he saw that the West, whom he never trusted,
was
dragging its feet. If Stalin dropped out and Roosevelt was to be
confronted
with Japan as well as Germany the military equation would have looked
rather
differently. Since neither Roosevelt nor Churchill, in contrast to
Stalin and
Hitler, were dictators for life but had to worry about elections, this
concern
was very real. It is in this light Roosevelt's demand for
unconditional
surrender in Casablanca needs to be seen. It was meant
to
reassure Stalin that the West would not make a separate peace
but
would stay with him for the duration. All he had to do was to hang on
and he
would be rewarded thereafter. This is also the reason why FDR acted in
1943 at
Teheran the way he did. Stalin had mentioned to Churchill that the Red
Army was war-weary and it was, therefore, essential
to keep
them fighting not only with the firm promise of a
second front
in France by 1944, but also of post-war
rewards.
As far as Stalin was concerned, he admitted to
Churchill at
Teheran not only the mentioned "war-weariness" of the Red
Army but also that “Without America we should already have
lost the
war." To make sure that Roosevelt would stick to his
promises,
Stalin also pledged at Teheran that he would enter the war against
Japan as
soon as Germany was defeated. America was the key and this key
Hitler
had so badly misjudged.
Although the producers of the Hitler TV miniseries
had made a
concerted effort to minimize the cartoon picture of Hitler as a
boisterous
buffoon they could not resist it altogether because the Zeitgeist
demands it. Yet if Hitler had indeed behaved mainly in
the way as presented by Mr. Carlyle he would
hardly have impressed Lloyd George, the Duke of Windsor,
Halifax,
Mussolini, a variety of European monarchs as well as
other statesmen.
Even Stalin stood up for him. In the book Summit
at
Teheran by Keith Eubank one can find that in December 1941 Stalin
said to
Anthony Eden, the British Foreign Secretary,
"Hitler had proved himself a man of
extraordinary
genius. He had succeeded in building up a ruined and divided
people
into a mighty world power, within an incredibly short space of time. He
had
succeeded in so regimenting the Germans that all elements were
completely
subservient to his will. 'But,' Stalin added he has one fatal defect.
He does
not know where to stop.' “When Eden smiled Stalin added that, 'I will
always
know where to stop.'"
But stopping a war is not as easy as starting one. Whenever Hitler did
want to
stop the war, prior to the invasion of the Soviet Union, there was
Churchill
who would not let him. Sumner Welles wrote in Seven Decisions
which Shaped
the World, "When Roosevelt commented that Hitler was
mentally
unstable, Stalin dissented - 'Only a very able man could accomplish
what Hitler
had done in solidifying the German people, whatever we thought
of the
methods.' “
But the myth makers have succeeded and Hitler
will
continue to be portrayed as evil incarnate, a madman, who wanted to
conquer the
world and kill all Jews. This picture must remain paramount
and any
genuine understanding of who the man was and what he really wanted to
accomplish is not allowed to be shown on TV screens. Yet this is the
main
source the vast majority of the American people rely upon for
historical information.
Although the mentioned mini-series was certainly politically correct
there were
two CBS affiliate stations in Texas which refused to show the film. Any
potential understanding of the man is to be feared and must not come to
pass.
Although historical accuracy was for the most part preserved the film
failed to
show, or at least emphasize, the reasons why Hindenburg had no choice
but to
appoint Hitler chancellor. Furthermore, while the April 1,
1933 boycott
of Jewish stores and professionals was shown, the fact that
this was a
response to the call for a boycott of all German goods by
America as demanded
by Jewish organizations in the United States and reported in the New
York Times was ignored. Thus the American public is
always fed
half-truths because what is left out is equally important as what is
reported.
I have absolutely no intention to defend Hitler's crimes
because they are indefensible, all I intend to do is
to correct
the most glaring misinterpretations of his intentions. First
he never
wanted to conquer the world. Had this been his goal he would
have
insisted on building a navy. But he was a man of the infantry, not a
sailor
like Churchill or Roosevelt. This is why he was quite willing to sign
the Naval
agreement with England in 1935 which limited the German fleet to a
third of the
British. The idea that he wanted to attack America is,
of
course, ludicrous. He didn't even have the
navy to
successfully launch a cross-channel invasion of England and
that is
why he abstained from the effort. Furthermore, if he had any such
ambitions he
would not have left the French their fleet as part of the 1940
armistice.
Churchill on the other hand genuinely misunderstood Hitler and shot
some of the
French battle ships to pieces at Oran, causing considerable casualties
among
the French sailors.
Hitler's foreign policy goals were limited to Central and
Eastern
Europe. He didn't even want the colonies back. These demands
were
simply a bargaining chip. But the other clauses of the Versailles
treaty had to
be undone. All the German speaking people had to be united in one Reich
which
also included not only the 1919 Austria, but that of the 1914 monarchy
with
Bohemia, Moravia and parts of Poland. Poland would have to cede, in
addition,
the corridor she acquired in Versailles which separated East Prussia
from
Germany proper. Furthermore, if feasible, the USSR would be smashed in
order to
gain its phenomenal natural resources. "Blut
und
Boden," blood and soil, was the slogan. As
Hitler also put it "the German plow will follow where the
German
sword has conquered." That was the plan from which he never
deviated. To put it into operation he had to re-arm but the thrust was
to the
East rather than the West. Churchill on the other hand insisted, in
contrast to
Prime Minister Baldwin for instance, that Hitler was a
military menace for the West which was simply not true.
For his plans to succeed Hitler also
needed
allies. France and Russia did not enter into consideration,
because of
historic enmity against the first and Bolshevism in the second. But Italy
and England he thought would qualify, which was the first
serious miscalculation. As an Austrian he should have known
that
Italians, even under Mussolini, are not necessarily natural allies and
their
talents lie in areas other than military prowess. The idea of England
as an
ally was dictated by his racial notions and the precariousness of the
British
Empire. He admired the British for their ability to control nearly a
third of
the world population and since the empire kept the non-whites in check
he was
all for it. He did not necessarily want to attack France either because
there
was nothing to colonize there. But he knew that England and France
might not
approve of his "New Order" in Europe and that is why he built the West
Wall-Siegfried line. Defense in the West, offense in the
East was
the plan.
But there was Churchill who nixed it.
Although in opposition, rather than the government at the outbreak of
the war,
he had sufficiently agitated against the appeasers that Chamberlain was
honor
bound to declare war when Hitler invaded Poland. Germany's occupation
of Denmark and Norway was due to Churchill's plans to deny Hitler
Sweden's iron
ore which was shipped through Narvik
and was
a genuine pre-emptive strike. The invasion of Yugoslavia and
Greece was
forced upon him also by Churchill and
the
military inaptitude of the Italians who had gotten bogged down
in the
north of Greece, while the British landed in the south. An exposed
flank
immediately before the Russian campaign could not be tolerated. The North
African front was also forced upon him by the
weakness of the
Italian army which had to be bailed out. In spite of the fact,
that
Mussolini had become a liability instead of an asset Hitler continued
to show
him loyalty throughout all his subsequent misfortunes.
Why were Churchill and some others in the
West so
adamantly opposed to come to an understanding with
Hitler?
The propaganda machine had already painted him as
such
an ogre that any lasting political, rather than
military
solution, would have been out of the question, and it was the
treatment
of the Jews in Germany which provided grist for the
mill.
Soon after the Anschluss I found in my father's library a
book Hitler
in der Karrikatur der Welt. It showed how Hitler
had been
portrayed in the German and foreign press between February 1924 and
spring
1933. When I first saw these cartoons I was flabbergasted: How could a
book
like this which contains genuinely vicious diatribes
be
published in Germany? I wondered. But as the title page also displayed
it was,
"vom Fuehrer genehmigt" (approved by the Fuehrer)
and the publication date was May 1938. The infamous cartoons
in the Stuermer,
which were equally vindictive, differed only in the person of
the villain;
Jews in the one, Hitler and the SA in the other. The
caricatures
showed Hitler either as an incompetent ninny who wouldn't last; a tool
of
bankers, the army, or monarchists; a vicious tyrant or bloodthirsty
menace who
would unleash a disastrous war. In the summer of 1938 we knew that the
first
aspects were clearly wrong but that a war was only a little over a year
away
nobody would have believed. After the war I looked for the book but it
had been
gotten rid of by my parents before the Red Army arrived. I was,
therefore, very
glad to find another copy in a second-hand bookstore in Vienna later
on,
because it is an important document which resides now in my library.
The point
is that we have here a perfect example of a self-fulfilling prophecy.
As mentioned, Hitler did indeed want war but
a limited
one rather than a world-war. Churchill on
the other
hand could not win a war against Germany after
June
1940 and the rest of the world had to be recruited.
Germany's mal-treatment of Jews was the ideal
pretext.
"See what this monstrous tyrant is doing?" was used to mobilize the
world against Hitler. Did Hitler intend to kill all the Jews
all along,
as has been alleged? No, he wanted them to
emigrate
and didn't care where to. I have already mentioned some of these
aspects in War&Mayhem
but they are so important that a brief outline is essential here. What
needs to
be clearly understood, and what is not taken into account now, is that for
Hitler Jews were not a religion, but a nation. This
nation
within the German nation had, in his opinion, usurped rights which it
was not
entitled to by being successful in all aspects of public life.
This success,
which denied Germans rightful positions within their own country, had
to be curtailed. This was the purpose of the Nuremberg
laws
and why there were also contacts with Zionist organizations.
Initially Hitler had no objections to send large numbers of German Jews
to
Palestine, but the British were adverse because of Arab hostility. During
the war he wanted to cultivate Arab friendship against the
British and
thought that Madagascar, for instance, might
have
served as a German "mandate." The European Jews, who were to be
shipped there, would have had complete sovereignty in all internal
aspects but
no standing army or independent foreign policy. This seems to be the
model
Sharon envisions now for the Palestinian state. The Madagascar
plan fell apart because neither the finances nor the
transports were
available. Furthermore, the British were unwilling to cooperate. This
is what
led to the Holocaust. With the Polish and
subsequently Russian
campaign Hitler had acquired a large number of Jews in the East. As a
separate
nation Jews were even officially "enemy aliens." A few days prior to
Hitler's invasion of Poland Chaim Weizman, as
spokesman for
International Zionism, had pledged full support to the British cause in
a letter
to Chamberlain. It was published under the headline
"Jews
to fight for Democracies" in The
Times
of London on September 6, 1939. As enemy aliens Jews were
segregated
first in ghettoes then in concentration camps. With America in the war,
steadily mounting losses on the Eastern front and increasing
civilian casualties due to the relentless bombing
campaign,
revenge took over in Hitler's mind. When
valuable
German blood was being spilled, those who were really responsible for
the world
wide extension of the war, the Jews who had agitated for it, should not
escape
their just punishment. They needed to bleed also. Since he could not
get at the
American and British Jews who had agitated against him he would take
his ire
out on those who were in his power within Europe. In this way
the
cartoons had become grim reality.
Let me now return to Churchill and how he was really seen
by his contemporaries. The following is a series of statements
from
Moran's book. They are valuable in this context because anybody who has
read
authentic biographies of Hitler cannot fail to be impressed by
similarities
between these two politicians. Prior to 1939 Churchill was regarded "a
brilliant failure." Then came June 1940 when he demonstrated an "indomitable
will to conquer" "Never, Never give in,"
became the obsession. There was a demonic element in
him and
an extraordinary concentration on one purpose - victory. He had an
extraordinary sense of mission and said, "This cannot
be
accident, it must be design I was kept for this job." He was pugnacious
and seemed to frighten people. But it was also
theatrics "I can be very fierce when I like," he said. He governed
as a dictator, wanted people to listen to him rather than
argue with
him. He didn't want criticism, but reassurance. General Marshall said,
"some of his projects were positively dangerous had they been carried
out." Moran also mentioned that Churchill was "ignorant of
human behavior. Where people are concerned he lives
in an
imaginary world of his own making." He was largely
self-educated and virtually stopped reading when he went into
politics. He was regarded as a soldier of fortune with the
mind of an
artist. His planning was all wishing and guessing. War
was his
hobby. Moran also called him, "that improbable man. A genius
trampling down like a bull elephant everything that got in his way." Attlee
felt that he was, "Fifty percent genius, fifty percent bloody fool."
How did Churchill see himself? As Joan of Arc!
June 1940 was the month when the two parallel lives permanently
intersected.
With the fall of France Hitler stood at the height of his glory.
England might
well have made peace with him. As Sir Charles Portal,
Chief
Air Minister during the war commented later, "They say there was no
danger
that we should have made peace with Hitler. I am not
so sure. Without
Winston we might have." After June 1940 Hitler went down to
defeat and ignominy, while Churchill's star rose to mythical heights.
What was
a will for power by each one of the antagonists became an epic struggle
of good
versus evil by the myth-makers. But morality in politics is an
oxymoron.
It is a superb propaganda tool yet has never
had a
place in the real world. What these two lives should
really
teach us is that when hate is met by hate death, destruction, and chaos
are the
outcome.
We have been told that Churchill is President
Bush's
role model and that he ever so often contemplates the bust
which sits
in his office. What was June 1940 for the one is September 11 for the
other. He
would, however, be well advised to look at Churchill's entire life and
how
contemporaries, who knew the man rather than the myth, really saw him. Will
Bush also have to mutter some years from now, "I ought not . . . I must
not . . . be held to account . . . for all . . . that has gone wrong."?
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