July 1, 2004
THE MOSES LEGACY
Just like the book, the title of which appears in the
headline, this report comes in two parts. The first deals with the book itself and
the second with the legacy of Moses as it is currently unfolding in the Middle
East.
After several years of writing and another few years of
trying to find a publisher The Moses Legacy; Roots of Jewish Suffering
is now finally available through Internet
commerce. It had to be published through the “print on demand” medium
because I no longer have a life expectancy that will allow me to pursue
reluctant publishers or agents for several more years. In as much as the
content of the book does not conform to current political ideology editors of
well known publishing houses are reluctant to tackle a topic that is not only
highly emotionally charged but also
presents both sides of Jewish-Gentile relations.
On the other hand I do feel sufficiently strong about the
ideas expressed in the book that one should be willing to “put one’s money,
where one’s mouth” is and make them available to the public. This attitude has
to do with my upbringing where I saw injustices being done to the Jewish
members of our society and was unable to do anything about them. I shall never
forget the sense of shame I felt one day while traveling on the Stadtbahn in Vienna
during WWII when I saw a Jewish girl of my age with a downcast demeanor and the
Star of David on her overcoat, as was required by law. I did not decide then
and there to rectify injustice all over the world wherever it might exist but
the impression was lasting, kept resurfacing intermittently throughout my life
and the question kept nagging me why such hatred against Jews could have
existed.
After retirement from executive duties, and seeing patients,
time was available to study the “Jewish question” with the book under
discussion the result. After reading a considerable amount of Jewish literature
it became apparent that the problem of
anti-Jewish attitudes is an ancient
one and there were reasons why people felt the way they did. I shall refrain
from using the European term antisemitism, spelled currently anti-Semitism in America,
for their feelings because the term implies a racial homogeneity which is
inappropriate. When people express dislike or hatred of Jews it is directed
against Jews, regardless of racial background, and not Semites in general.
Thus, the book
stresses first of all clarity of
language. Imprecise language is associated with muddled thinking and
subsequently inappropriate behavior. This will be discussed further in the
second part of this essay. It may seem strange to connect a religious figure
like Moses with 21st century politics but when one reads the book
the reasons will become obvious. Without
the figure of Moses there would be no Judaism, no state of Israel,
no Christianity and no Islam. Historians and theologians can argue whether or
not Moses existed as an individual, what laws he promulgated and what benefit
accrued thereby to the world. For the purposes at hand these questions are not
relevant because The Moses Legacy
deals only with ideas which are expressed in Jewish literature about Jews and
their place in the world. The book is about Gentile-Jewish relationships since
the inception of the Jewish religion.
Currently it seems to be no longer polite in official
American society to speak of a Jewish
tradition and a Christian tradition.
The two religions have been amalgamated
under the term Judeo-Christian thereby blurring the differences between
them. It may, therefore, come as a shock to some well meaning Christians that
observant Jews not only reject the term but one of them has even regarded it as
“an antisemitic lie.” As Neusner has
pointed out the “the two religions …
really are totally alien to another.”
Thus, the purpose of the first part of
this book was to explore how such a fundamental misunderstanding between
well-meaning people had come about.
One of the
fundamental misconceptions Christians harbor about Judaism is that it is a religion like others and has no political implications. Yet
Moses intent was not to create a religion but to make an enduring nation out of
the diverse group of people he had led out from Egypt.
Again it doesn’t matter whether or not the Exodus is a historic reality, it has
become so by being enshrined in the Bible and millions of people around the
world believe in its veracity. The purpose
of Moses’ Law was to set the Hebrews
apart from the rest of their neighbors and to make them into a “holy
nation [Ex. XIX.6];” “a kingdom of
priests” and as such a society unto themselves. But inasmuch as the
Hebrews, and later on their descendants the Jews, always lived in the midst of
people who worshipped other deities not only was constant strife foreordained
but so were increasingly more stringent regulations over all phases of daily
life. Once the Jews lost Jerusalem
and the Temple the rabbis were
confronted with a massive problem how to keep their people together in the
Diaspora. The answer was the creation of the Talmud, which has become the
“central pillar” of authentic Judaism.
Christians have very
little, if any, information on the
Talmud and this ignorance has given
rise to the misconceptions about the essence of Judaism. The importance of
the Talmud for Gentiles lies not necessarily in its religious doctrines but in
what has been called “Talmudic thinking,” which differs markedly from that of
the Gentile world. Only when one is aware of this fact can one understand Ben
Gurion’s comment about the British. He explained to some of his friends that,
“You can do many things with an Englishman but you cannot change him into a
non-Englishman. The Englishman does not see things with Jewish eyes, he does
not feel things with a Jewish heart, and he does not reason with a Jewish
brain.” The term Englishman referred to a specific situation but really means
Gentile in general and perpetuates a theme of separateness.
The Moses Legacy
shows why Ben Gurion’s statement is true and the consequences that flow from
it. As mentioned the book is divided into two sections. The first part starts with definitions so that all of us know what
is being discussed at a given moment. This is necessary because “Talmudic thinking,” which assigns the meaning of a word to whatever a
given person wants it to mean at a particular point in a discussion,
pervades the literature. This has to be shunned in a scientific exploration of
a topic. The chapter on definitions is followed by what is known about the
origins of the Bible, the cornerstone of the religion. Its importance for
current political events cannot be stressed enough. This is the reason why
various key biblical figures are subsequently examined for their actions and
their capacity to serve as role models for behavior in our day and age.
Specifically it is shown what type of conduct has been reported, who was
rewarded or punished by God and for what reasons.
As a result some rather surprising findings became apparent
and demonstrated how the past, present and future intersect. Since the present
is based on the past the future is not totally unknowable. It can be predicted
to a certain extent, barring divine intervention, if one knows the character
and motivations of key players. The first part of The Moses Legacy ends with a discussion of the Pharisees and the
essential features of the Talmud. This section demonstrates how Jewish authors
during the first century A.D., prior to the establishment of Christianity,
responded to attacks. The means with which they defended their views will be
found remarkably similar to present day practices.
The second part of
the book shows how the world-view, which was derived from the biblical stories and the Talmud, has now been put into practice in America. Its influence on the domestic as well
as foreign policy of the United States
is documented by quotes from contemporary Jewish authors. It explains why the
Constitution of our country is currently constantly re-interpreted and why
aspects of American life, which have been constitutional for two hundred years
or so, are no longer tolerated. The prime example is the vigorous enforcement
of separation of Church and State and re-interpretation of the “free speech”
amendment. These are largely driven by “secular” Jewish legal professionals
(i.e. atheistic, or “non-Jewish Jews” as Deutscher called them), although
atheists coming from other religions have also joined the fray. The subsequent chapters deal with Jewish
perceptions of the past and future, attitudes on justice and death, and Jewish
power. As mentioned these observations are presented in discussions of relevant
books by Jewish writers, and show how these authors perceive the difficulties
their people are confronted with and the ways to overcome them. But as the
final chapter, “Are anti-Jewish attitudes curable?” demonstrates the proposed
remedies fall short of the mark. The chapter, therefore, presents suggestions
which, if adopted, would not require state or other legal intervention. They
would cost nothing and simply make us humane beings who work for the benefit of
all rather than persisting in a “them and us” attitude where “us” is obviously
favored over “them.”
The book clearly reveals that a great many Jewish authors
see their people as a beleaguered minority in a hostile environment, which has
to be either shaped to conform to their views or, whenever feasible, opposed
militarily. The examples presented make it quite apparent that militant
nationalistic Jews operate on different assumptions from Christians, Muslims
and members of other religions. Fanatic, radicalized Muslims are currently
regarded as the greatest threat to the U.S.
and the world but the equally grave potential danger not to but by the state of Israel
is not being addressed publicly. The main reason seems to be that the
“Judeo-Christian tradition” puts us into the same boat as the Israeli
leadership and any criticism immediately leads to cries of anti-Semitism by
well organized Jewish organizations. Anyone in professional life can ill afford
a label of this sort and the injustices perpetrated by Israeli policies against
the Palestinian population in the occupied territories, for instance, are only
rarely commented upon by the media and ignored by our political establishment.
The book can be obtained through amazon.com or
booksurge.com. Excerpts are available on this site and by simply clicking on
the book cover on the Contact page a direct link to booksurge is established.
This brings me to the second part of this essay. Our current
War on Terrorism is a classic example of inappropriate language.
The term serves only to arouse passions but hides the true battle, which is
going on behind the scenes. This obfuscation is useful for politicians but a
disservice to our citizens, who pay in blood and money for this war. Terrorism
is a means towards an end rather than an end by itself. A war on a tool makes
no sense and in reality we are dealing
with a war between ideas. This cannot readily be admitted to because ideas
cannot be defeated militarily and that is the way this war is being conducted.
In order to deflect attention from this war of ideas we are
being told, in print and on the TV screens that people around the world hate us
because we are rich and powerful, which has always led to resentment and
jealousy. But this is not the real cause of America’s
current dilemma. It is, instead, how we are using our resources and the fact
that the Bush administration has created the world-wide impression that
Americans are above the law and do not have to abide by internationally
recognized norms. Unless this perception is rectified, not by propaganda but
concrete actions which the world can see and agree with, the very real war we
are engaged in cannot be won.
We are also being told that this is a war between good and evil where good must triumph regardless of
length of time or cost. But good and
evil are philosophical concepts and no
agreement can be reached on this basis because good is “us” and evil is “them”
regardless which side of the conflict you find yourself on. Mohammed Atta,
the purported leader of the 9/11 attack, did not regard himself as evil. On the
contrary he prayed to God that “all doors may be opened” to him while carrying
out his mission. This consisted of delivering to sinful America,
which is promoting “secularism” over spiritual values, a foretaste of the
punishment it deserved.
Our leadership, politicians and media people, will also have
to recognize that the idea of the “One
God” is putting us into a dilemma vis á vis the
Muslim and Jewish world. The Muslim
creed, “There is no God but God, and Muhammad is His prophet,” establishes unequivocally the unity and
identity of God for all three monotheistic religions. For an American
general to tell his Muslim counterpart that “My God is bigger than your god”
betrays utter ignorance. Unfortunately this ignorance is pervasive and bodes
ill for the future. To cast this war into apocalyptic terms makes good
propaganda but cannot lead to a satisfactory resolution of the conflict. The Jewish creed (Shema) which is to be
recited twice daily also asserts, “Hear,
O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is One.” This establishes
the unity of God and theoretically all three monotheistic faiths should have
equal access to the “One.” But if the emphasis in the Shema recitation is on “Our”
all non-Jews pray to the wrong deity. They are idolaters and as such
unacceptable.
This is the
interpretation given by some of the
settlers on the West Bank.
One of them told Jeffrey Goldberg (The New Yorker May 31, 2004), “All my ideas are formed from the
Torah. It’s not complex. This land is ours. God gave it to us. We’re the owners
of the land.” This mentality leads also to the destruction of Palestinian olive
groves, which as Goldberg points out, is a grave sin in Judaism even if the
trees belong to an enemy. When Goldberg confronted the rabbi of the settlement,
whose youths were carrying out the destruction he said, “I’m not hearing you.
I’m not hearing what you’re saying. You don’t understand me. I’m not hearing and
I will continue not to hear.” Another person from the settlement when asked
about the cutting down of the trees was more concerned with access to Joseph’s
tomb. “What is an olive tree compared to the burial place of Joseph, the son of
Jacob?” When Goldberg pointed out that those trees are the livelihood of the
farmer and his family, the reply was, “But the farmer is an Arab [italics in the original]. He
shouldn’t be here at all. All this land is Jewish land. It is meant for the
Jews by God Himself.” Thus, the God of Israel is not the God of the Muslims and
the settlers in the occupied territories are right while everybody else who
disputes this is wrong! Can peace occur
with a mindset of this type?
But the internal Palestinian
problem is not the only festering
sore which infects body politics. There is also the concern of Israeli politicians with external security. There is no doubt that every nation has the
right to internationally guaranteed secure borders. There is also no doubt that
Israel is a
small country and vulnerable to assaults from the neighbors. It is, therefore,
equally understandable that in the 1950’s Ben Gurion wanted to have a deterrent
against aggression from Arab countries by developing a nuclear bomb. The
details about how this was accomplished can be found in Seymour Hersh’s 1991
book The
Samson Option. Israel’s Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.
But what may have made sense in the second half of the previous
century when even Soviet missiles could be targeted on Tel Aviv is now becoming an increasingly dangerous
liability.
This brings us back to today’s events and nuclear
proliferation. We are currently in Iraq
not because Saddam was a threat to U.S.
security but he was a potential threat to Israel.
This is not yet admitted to in public but it may be only a matter of time
before it will be. When I published the essay “The Neocons’ Leviathan” in
April, 2003 on this website hardly anybody had heard about “neocons” and what
they stood for. Now everyone knows and although their ideas stand discredited
because of the Iraq
problems, the full implications have not yet been drawn. Israel’s security concerns are still identified
with those of the U.S. and although we have been willing to remove the Iraqi threat we are now supposed to eliminate potential
threats from Syria and Iran. Neither of these countries
presents a danger to America
and even the threat to Israel
appears exaggerated. The Syrian army is no match against the IDF and Iran
does not share a common border. Even if Iran
were to acquire nuclear weapons the country could not use them against us
because we would obliterate Tehran
in an eye blink and the mullahs know it. The idea that because they support
terrorists they will, therefore, send a bomb via willing helpers to our shores
also does not make sense. These men are not stupid; they know that nuclear
terrorism cannot destroy America
and that the retaliation would be unacceptable. So why do they seem to be
willing to build themselves a bomb? One reasonable answer may be that they regard
it as the “great equalizer” against Israel’s
arsenal of WMDs. Once we have nuclear capability, they might reason, we can no
longer be shoved around by the Americans. This is likely to be also the
rationale for the North Koreans. Let us remember that we have officially
branded these countries as members of an axis of evil. The United
States has declared a preemptive war
strategy and followed through by invading the first of the three evil ones.
They may thus think that they need bargaining chips to assert their
independence, just as France
did when she developed her bomb and then took a leave of absence from NATO in
the nineteen-sixties. Since Israel is
determined that no rival nuclear power will be allowed to exist in the Middle
East the risk for a showdown is becoming increasingly higher. There is no doubt
that the Iranian Mullahs represent a highly repressive regime and the world
would be better off without them. The question is not whether or not they
should be put out of office but only how. Bombs and/or military occupation will
not work. The change must come from within the country, even if it takes longer
than impatient American policy makers would like.
In the current issue of The
New Yorker (June 28, 2004),
Seymour Hersh writes about Israel’s “Plan B” in Iraq.
According to Hersh Israel had warned
the United States
early last summer to seal the border against Iran
because Iranian intelligence officers and foreign fighters were crossing at
will in increasing numbers. The border remained open and the Iraqi insurgency
gathered steam. One may ask why the U.S.
military did not follow through with the well meant advice but one likely
reason may be that we simply didn’t have enough boots on the ground to do
so. Israel’s
preoccupation with security against a potential Iranian threat has now led to a
highly dangerous “Plan B.” Hersh stated, “Israeli
intelligence agents and other military operatives are now quietly at work in
Kurdistan, providing training for Kurdish commando units and most important, in
Israel’s view, running covert operations inside Kurdish areas of Iran and Syria.”
It seems obvious that the Israeli government is not doing this for love of the
Kurds, so that they may enjoy a Greater Kurdistan, which encompasses all the
Kurdish people who have been parceled out between Turkey,
Syria, Iraq
and Iran. It is
simply using them to destabilize Syria
and Iran. But
in the process the Israelis are likely to undermine America’s
effort to establish a democratic Iraq
in its current borders and bring a semblance of order to the region. The Kurds
are already concerned that they will lose rights once a strong central
government is installed again and demands for autonomy, if not outright
secession, are going to become increasingly louder. But the establishment of an
independent Kurdish republic will be opposed by Turkey,
Syria and Iran
out of fear of uprisings within their own Kurdish population. While we can
ignore Syria’s and Iran’s concerns, Turkey is a NATO partner and if it were to
get involved in major military operations against the Kurds we would have a
real problem on our hands. Israeli
actions of the type reported by Hersh are clearly against the best interests of America. The newly installed interim
government of Iraq
will also need all the help it can get to hold the country together rather than
encouragement of separatism. Furthermore, if Turkey,
Syria and Iran
were to get involved militarily innocent Kurdish people would again be
slaughtered just as they have been in the past.
There is another
potential tragedy brewing in the Middle East and
America stands by helplessly. We have an
election coming, while the Israeli government is stirring the pot in Iraq,
and no one can tell Jerusalem to
“cease and desist.” Yes, Israel
should be able to live in security but the current security concerns are
exaggerated. There is no army that can invade the country and if a missile were
to strike one of its cities not only Israel
but the United States
would retaliate. The fear-mongering needs to be curbed by responsible Jews both
here and in Israel
so that a degree of sanity can finally emerge in political conduct. A second Auschwitz,
Israel’s recurrent
nightmare, is not around the corner unless irresponsible Israeli politicians
yield to paranoia, or religious fantasies of a Greater Israel, and initiate
policies which will escalate the dangers rather than defuse them. While the turning
over of even limited authority to the Iraqis two days prior to the promised
date is cause for hope meddling with the Kurds is surely not what America
and the new Iraqi government need.
|