July 1, 2003
PRESIDENT BUSH'S CHOICE
Our President has told us that the major military
operations
in Iraq are over. He has not mentioned the long haul, and the
inevitable finger
pointing especially since Saddam's feared WMD's have so far eluded
detection.
Some, who don't particularly like George W, even raised the question
from the
Nixon era, "What did the president know and when did he know
it?" It behooves us, therefore, to inquire how America got
into
this foreign policy conundrum she finds herself in today.
Every physician knows that there is no one single
cause for a given disease or symptom only a confluence of
adverse
circumstances which bring the patient to the doctor. The same applies
to
politics. It is true that the ultimate order to invade Iraq was given
by the
President but it is equally true that it was not his will alone that
led him
into this fateful decision. When one investigates a great variety of
available
sources it becomes apparent that there were three major
factions
at work which exploited the 9/11 tragedy for their pet projects. These
were the
Neocons, the Oil Industry and President Bush himself. As
mentioned in "The
Neocons' Leviathan" this group of people thought that the difficult
situation the state of Israel finds itself
in is
equally applicable to the United States and
Israel's
methods to deal with the Palestinians should now be used in an
overall
war against world-wide terror. This would supposedly lead to
the
security not only of Israel but the world at large. Needless to say this
is a fantasy. Every cough is not tuberculosis or lung cancer
and every
national liberation movement is not automatically a danger to the rest
of the world.
This type of thinking mistakes the method for the purpose and can lead
to
nothing but tragedies. Under those circumstances our war on terror can
never
end because aggrieved, obsessed individuals, who have no compunction
about
creating havoc will always exist. This war is just as
unwinnable as the
war on poverty. "The poor you will always have with you,"
Jesus said nearly two thousand years ago and he was right; Lyndon
Johnson's
"Great Society" not withstanding. The civilian Pentagon group who
ordered the military, and State Department, around has succeeded in
alienating
us from the rest of the world and although the troops performed
brilliantly in
Iraq we are now stuck with the not so brilliant aftermath.
It is no secret that if Saddam had merely sat on sand without oil
underneath,
he could have tortured his people all he wanted, as some dictators do
in
Africa, and our policy makers would not have gotten particularly
excited. But the
world, not just America, runs on oil and it
is
regarded as intolerable that some miscreants can control some of the
spigots.
Even if America were not dependent on Middle East oil the rest of the
world is
and if the global economy were to fall into a 1930's type depression
America
could not escape from it either. So the idea was that
since
we can't trust this "madman,"
Saddam has to be gotten rid of and we will take over the flow
of oil
for the benefit of the rest of the world. That Vice President Cheney's
as well
as President Bush's friends are standing to make a hefty buck in the
process is
just icing on the cake.
All that might, however, not have been enough if someone else but Bush
had sat
in the Oval Office. For him it was personal. Saddam had to go. The son
had to
finish what the father had supposedly left undone twelve years earlier.
In
addition Saddam "had tried to kill my daddy." Whether or not that
piece of intelligence was true, or belonged into the realm of the
babies who
were thrown out of their incubators when the Iraqis invaded Kuwait, no
one knows.
But the truth is irrelevant because people act on their beliefs and the
dictum
is: don't confuse me with facts! For Bush his mission in life
was
clear, "crush Saddam." In this obsession, because that is
what it was, and that is why the WMDs were merely a convenient pretext,
he
followed the model of his hero Sir Winston to whom I devoted the June
installment. Up to September 1939 Churchill had been
floundering but when he became Prime Minister he defined his mission, "I
have only one purpose, the destruction of Hitler, and my life is much
simplified thereby." Getting rid of Hitler was a worthy
enterprise but by what means and at what cost? Churchill's stated
method was,
"to set Europe ablaze." When Churchill said in November of 1942 "I
have not become the King's First Minister in order to preside over the
liquidation of the British Empire," he had no idea
that
this would be precisely the outcome of his policies. Hitler
knew it,
Stalin knew it, Roosevelt knew it but poor Churchill didn't. He was
obsessed
with Hitler and nothing else mattered until Teheran in 1943 and
especially
Yalta in 1945 when he got an inkling of what he had wrought.
This brings me to the title of this installment. It was no accident,
because in
my readings I had also come across a book by Churchill
published in
1937 entitled Great Contemporaries.
One does
not find Stalin there but Adolf earned a short chapter,
"Hitler
and his Choice." It is worth while reading, as is all the
literature written by foreigners and published in non-German countries
prior to
September 1939. The post-WWII literature tends to be dominated by the
Jewish
tragedy and, therefore, presents only a partial picture of pre-war
Germany.
Churchill starts his chapter with
"It is not possible to form a just judgment of a public figure who has
attained the enormous dimensions of Adolf Hitler until his life work as
a whole
is before us. Although no subsequent political action can condone wrong
deeds,
history is replete with examples of men who have risen to power by
employing
stern, grim, and even frightful methods, but who, nevertheless, when
their life
is revealed as a whole, have been regarded as great figures whose lives
have
enriched mankind. So may it be with Hitler.
Such a final view is not vouchsafed to us today [an asterisk states
"written in 1935"]. We cannot tell whether
Hitler will be the man who will once again let loose upon the world
another war
in which civilization will irretrievably succumb, or whether he will go
down in
history as the man who restored honour and peace to the great Germanic
nation
and brought it back serene, helpful and strong, to the forefront of the
European family circle. It is on this mystery of the future that
history will
pronounce. It is enough to say that both possibilities are open at the
present
moment If, because the story is unfinished, because,
indeed,
its most fateful chapters have yet to be written, we are
forced to
dwell upon the darker side of his work and creed, we must never forget
nor
cease to hope for the bright alternative."
Apart from the flowery rhetoric we must keep in mind that the year was
1935
when he made the following allegations,
"It was not till 1935 that the
full terror of this revelation [that Hitler had begun to
re-arm
Germany] broke upon the careless and imprudent world,
and Hitler
casting aside concealment, sprang forward armed to the teeth,
with his
munition factories roaring night and day, his aeroplane squadrons
forming in
ceaseless succession, his submarine crews exercising in the Baltic, and
his
armed hosts tramping from one end of the broad Reich to the other.
That is where we are today, and the achievement by which the tables
have been
completely turned upon the complacent, feckless and purblind victors
deserves
to be reckoned a prodigy in the history of the world, and a prodigy
which is
inseparable from the personal exertions and life-thrust of a single
man."
This review of the past is important, because this is
precisely how history is made. We can take the
statements
printed above as those of a o prophetic visionary or
as self-fulfilling prophecies. By this I mean that Churchill
would do his level best to prevent "the bright alternative" from
coming to pass. For Churchill the problem with Hitler was just
as
personal as Saddam was for Bush. Let us, therefore look in
more detail
at the facts as they existed in 1935.
If
Churchill had read Mein Kampf, which would
have been
his duty as a statesman who wants to understand the other side, he
would have
known that the abolition of the Versailles treaty was
the number
one priority in Hitler's program. Not only did Germany's pre
1914
borders have to be reconstituted but all German speaking people in
Central Europe
had to be incorporated in the new Reich. Furthermore, Hitler
was quite
explicit that he did not expect this to result from the good
will of
other countries. It was bound to involve armed struggle
for
which the nation had to be fully prepared. But the thrust,
as
he repeatedly emphasized, was to the East where Lebensraum
was to be found. All he wanted from the West was to be left
alone in
the pursuit of this goal. These plans were no secrets,
they were known to anybody who wanted to know since 1925.
The statement that by 1935, or even 1937, the tables
had been turned on the victors by the military might of Germany was
false.
The Franco-British-Czech- Polish alliance, even leaving aside
the
Soviet Union, was far superior to anything Hitler could put into the
field as
late as 1939. As far as the roaring munitions
factories
are concerned Hitler had at the beginning of the Poland
campaign
munitions for no more than about a month. Even in May of 1940
only
about 15 per cent of German industry was specifically devoted for arms
procurement. Hitler did not plan for a long war! The "exercising
submarines" consisted of a total of 57
in September 1939 and in 1940 only 22 were operational in the North
Atlantic.
While propagandists and politicians keep, on the one hand, exaggerating
Hitler's early military might they keep repeating on the other hand the
idea
fostered by Churchill that he was the lone voice in the wilderness
whose pleas
were ignored while "England slept." When one reads Clive Ponting, for
instance, it becomes obvious that England did not sleep during
Hitler's
arms build-up. The British government had made a decision to
gear its
level of armaments to the likelihood of a major war within the next ten
years.
This policy was adopted in 1919 and extended to another ten years in
1929. But in
1933 when Hitler took power in Germany the pace was increased
and Britain
was made ready for war within six years i.e. April 1939. There
was
good reason for this type of thinking. Timing was essential.
If the country was fully mobilized too early the equipment would become
obsolete and in the other case one would be unprepared. As it turned
out the
Brits guessed right.
But this was, of course, not just a lucky guess it was based on solid
knowledge. The basic fact was that Hitler
had to start
from scratch in 1933 because Germany had been forcibly and
completely
disarmed as a result of Versailles. The French, the Italians, the
Czech, and
others not only refused to cut their post 1919 forces but kept building
more
and more modern arms. This was the imbalance Hitler was confronted
with. In
1933 he had an army of 100,000 men. There was no heavy
artillery, not a
single tank and no plane. It was clearly impossible to defend
the
country, or to gain the respect of the world, and enforce legitimate
demands
with this type of an army. In addition, the heavy industry to
build new
arms was not yet available either. Although the Reichswehr
had bypassed some of the Versailles restrictions by training pilots and
tank crews
in the Soviet Union even prior to 1933 nobody, not even
Hitler, could
create a modern army, within two years, of the proportions Churchill
talked
about. It was pure propaganda to scare the British public.
What the fear of weapons of mass destructions is
today was
long range bombers in the nineteen thirties. It was actually
Hermann Göring
who had proposed the idea of "Shock
and
Awe," because he believed that the war of the future would be
won
within hours or days by overwhelming air power. This was one of his
typical
bragging, blustering statements which was proven wrong. So was the one
that he
would build such air defenses that no enemy bomber could ever penetrate
German
skies, and in 1942 that he could supply the encircled troops in
Stalingrad by
air. To Westerners he kept bragging in the thirties about the strength
of his Luftwaffe,
which did not correspond to the facts but was, of course, grist for the
propaganda mills on both sides of the channel.
Churchill began to spread the fear in the House of Commons as
early as
1934 when he announced that the Luftwaffe
would be able to threaten London with massive bombing within 18 months.
This
would have put it into the fall of 1935! The serious buildup
of the Luftwaffe did not start until spring 1935
and
there was a shortage of everything, planes, equipment
to make them, and most of all trained pilots which
led to
marked accident rates early on. In July of 1934 Churchill
declared that
by 1936 the superiority of the Luftwaffe
planes would be such that Britain would never be able to make up this
lead.
On November 28 of that year he
stated that by
1937 the Luftwaffe size would be double that of the RAF.
This was nonsense. Although the RAF was numerically somewhat
inferior
in planes to the Luftwaffe in August
of 1940,
it had more and better trained pilots. In addition German
fighters
could stay over southeastern England for only about twenty five
minutes. The
RAF on the other hand was fighting over home territory and could,
therefore,
recover the pilots who had to bail out as well as repair damaged
aircraft, an
option which was not available to the Germans. Furthermore, the Luftwaffe,
in contrast to the RAF, was designed primarily to support the troops on
the
ground rather than for long-range bombing of cities. As such
it was inadequate
for the task when the decision was made to bomb London, rather
than
continue with the destruction of airfields, during the Blitz. Hitler
was goaded into this mistake by Churchill who had started bombing
Berlin.
I am mentioning all of this because the real history of WWII
and its
antecedents are being supplanted by myths, and myths rather than facts
are the
staple of politicians and media hacks who control our fate.
How many
of us still remember the "missile gap" between the Soviet Union and
the U.S. with which Kennedy squeezed out a narrow victory over Nixon in
1968?
It was non-existent; but who wants to be reminded? This brings us right
back to
Saddam and his WMDs which in all probability fall into the same genre
of
misinformation for ulterior motives.
So where do we stand today and what is Bush's choice?
Although Churchill stated that Hitler had a choice in 1935 this was
only
partially true. Hitler had made too many powerful enemies abroad which
would
not let him execute his program, even at the cost of a world war. In
addition
his vindictive and ultimately self-destructive character stood in the
way.
These aspects do not apply to President Bush. Nevertheless, after the
Iraq
invasion he has to make a choice in regard to his future
foreign policy. He can take the easy way out let
things slide
and basically run for re-election on his successes.
When the
road map collapses, as it inevitably will, the Palestinians can be
blamed
because I sincerely doubt that no further attacks on Israelis are going
to take
place even within the proposed three months truce. This will let Bush
off the
hook and he can wash his hands of the affair to the applause of his
main, but
narrow, constituency. If by September 2004
either the economy is still in trouble, or some
other
unforeseen disaster occurs he can, egged on
by Karl
Rove and the neocons, initiate another "pre-emptive war"
to assure electoral victory. I do not believe that the President lied
to us
about Saddam's WMDs. He was honestly misled by people whom he should
not have
trusted. It was a mistake and a mistake can be forgiven but persisting
in
mistakes can not.
The other choice is considerably more difficult and would
require
strength of character Bush may or may not have. He
would have
to put thoughts of re-election totally out
of his mind
and look objectively at the situation the U.S. finds itself in
vis á
vis the world as a result of his two and a half years in office.
The required
course of action would then become apparent.
He would
come to realize that a small high tech army can win against a
third
world type military force but is insufficient to secure the peace.
This
is why the Chief of the German General Staff, von Seeckt, had argued in
1933
not only for a small professional army which could quickly conquer
enemy
territory, but an additional militia which subsequently performs the
occupation
duties. He was overruled by Hitler who was enamored with vast numbers.
Nevertheless, the concept was correct and this is now Bush's
and the
Pentagon's dilemma in Iraq. The neocons insisted that America
can go
it alone when it comes to winning wars. But now when our troops are
facing a
guerilla type war they want others to help out. All of our high
tech
weaponry is useless for an occupation which the locals want to get rid
of. This
should have been the lesson of Israel's experience on the West Bank and
Gaza
but nobody, including our president, wants to admit to this.
If Max
Boot's article in the current issue of Foreign Affairs is
correct that
we have only 10 full time active duty divisions in the army and the
rest of
manpower, apart from the Marines and the other services, has to be made
up by
the National Guard and reservists, our "pre-emptive" wars can never
be successful in the true sense of the word. We can devastate
countries
but we can not occupy them and turn them into democracies. The required
manpower is not available. Reservists and National Guard unit
members
have civilian jobs and will not be enamored to act as "peace keepers"
for extended tours of duty. Army enlistments are also likely to fall
off when
the goal of the soldier is clearly defined as: to wage war! This means
"to
smash things and kill people," rather than a cheap way to get a college
education and "be all that you can." Under these circumstances the
draft may look mighty appealing to policy makers although the Vietnam
experience would strongly argue against it. Americans are not
militaristic by
nature and to turn out the necessary legions in order to change regimes
on a
world wide basis will not be to their liking. This is where
the analogy
to Rome breaks down and the inherent weakness of our superpower status
is
exposed.
Keeping the foregoing in mind Bush would have to repudiate the
neocons'
idea of the "Hobbesian anarchic world" which requires perpetual
wholesale regime changes. He would have to pledge to
work
within the framework of the UN to defuse, by diplomatic means,
the
looming genuine threats to international security. He would
have to separate
the war against terror from local wars of liberation and, most
importantly, tone down this constant
belligerent
rhetoric which threatens everybody who does not share our views.
The
war against international terrorist networks is, as has always been
maintained
in these pages, a job for international police and intelligence work,
and our
military cannot be expected to win this type of war. It's not the job
they are
trained for. This international police effort requires,
however, good will from the rest of the world and if
we keep
treating other countries in the way we have during this past year, they
may
simply say: If you want to do things your way go ahead, we can't stop
you, but
don't expect us to bail you out when you're in trouble. President Bush
would
also have to come to realize that International Law exists and
just as
no person can be above the law, no country should be either.
A
Nuremberg type court which hangs the defeated but ignores the crimes of
the
victors will not do in the long run. Instead of harping on our
standing as the only superpower, which enforces its will upon the rest
of the
world, we should be satisfied with the status of primus inter
pares.
Finally there is the "road map" to which the
president supposedly has committed himself but his heart isn't in it.
He was
dragged into it by Tony Blair to get the Iraq "coalition" going. There
is no evidence that Bush truly understands the plight of the
Palestinians and
unless he begins to do so no peace is achievable in the Holy Land.
A
disjointed Palestinian state which retains major Israeli settlements
and cedes
large portions of the Jordan valley to Israel will never be acceptable
to the
locals. At best such a Versailles type "peace treaty" will be an
armistice. The only genuine peace would require steps which have
repeatedly
been mentioned in previous installments on this site. They include the
creation
of a contiguous Palestinian state with full sovereignty over the West
Bank and
Gaza, direct access through Palestinian rather than Israeli territory,
and
complete evacuation of all Israeli settlements which have been built on
Palestinian land since 1967. Nothing else has a genuine chance for
peace. Last
year Bush chided the UN for not enforcing its
resolutions
against Iraq. Now he would have to take Sharon to task for ignoring the
numerous UN resolutions against Israel. Neither Sharon nor
any other
Israeli government will ever voluntarily agree to the steps outlined
above in
order to secure genuine peace for Israel. Bush would have to
go before
the nation, tell the American people the unvarnished truth about what
really
goes on every day in the occupied territories of Palestine and then
announce
that unless and until Israel fully conforms to the existing UN
resolutions no
further American tax money will be forthcoming. Americans
are
a fair minded people and when the facts are presented to them
truthfully they will respond and support him
in this
effort, certain special interest groups notwithstanding.
This
would show the world that the president is a man of
his word.
American prestige would be restored and international
cooperation would
blossom again.
Time is running out, another election is around the corner and the
president must make a decision, which is actually quite
straightforward: continue on the present course for the sake
of not
alienating his main constituency or put principle above electioneering.
We are told that he already has more money for the election than all
the other
Democratic candidates combined and if he were to show himself a
statesman by
taking at least some of the steps outlined above his personal
popularity, which
has remained high, may well let him overcome the hostile criticism
which is
bound to arise.
Mister President: Although I am going to fax this
article to
the White House I have no illusions that your staff will allow you to
read it.
Nevertheless, I must remind you that you have been told
"The
truth will make you free!" Try it, it'll work for you
personally
and the good of the world. On the other hand you can follow
the dictum
of Winston Churchill who said that, "In wartime, truth
is
so precious that she should always be accompanied by a bodyguard of
lies."
Under those circumstances you will allow the country to be
inundated in
the next year and a half with a continued flood of exaggerations, if
not
outright lies, geared to create fear in the hearts of
Americans and
the world. This in turn will in the long
run pave the
way to a general and much more devastating war. Das habe
ich nicht
gewollt, I did not want that; the Kaiser said when he saw what his
1914
policies had contributed to. Neither had Hitler wanted a world war in
1939 but
that is what he got. One does not unleash the dogs of war
without
running the risk of getting severely bitten oneself, is the
main
lesson history provides. Therefore, the overriding question of our time
is: Are
you and your advisors willing to learn this simple truth?
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