February 15, 2006
UNDERSTANDING THE HOLOCAUST
PART I
PRIVATE GRIEF BECOMES PUBLIC OUTCRY
This essay has been the most
difficult to write and took the longest time. The topic is so laden with emotion
that a person searching for the truth steps into a minefield that has to be
navigated very carefully. To arrive at objective truth, which is the purpose of
this website, one needs to look at the motives and
actions of both sides to a controversy in a dispassionate manner and one must
not be swayed by either. “Without fear or favor,” should be the motto for an
exploration of this type. Furthermore, since the subject must not be
trivialized it requires more than one installment because otherwise it would
become too lengthy. This is also the reason why I had to break with precedent
and not stay with the self imposed “first of the month installment routine.”
Inasmuch as the Nazis’ “Final
Solution” of the Jewish problem has occurred more than 60 years ago one may
wonder why the subject should be raised now. The reason is that there is a
strange phenomenon occurring in our society; the more time elapses since the
event, the more is published about it, although no new facts have emerged. If
one types “Holocaust” into Google one is rewarded within 0.09 seconds with
about 63,200.000 entries. This is surely a prodigious number and no one can be
expected to absorb this ocean of data. Choices have to be made and in the
search for my own understanding of this phenomenon I broke the subject down
into three aspects: What prompted the Nazis to attempt their “Final Solution of
the Jewish Problem [Endlősung],” how did they proceed in actuality, and
how is the outcome reported. Since I have already discussed the subject to some
extent in War&Mayhem, as well as
in The Moses Legacy, I shall proceed
here not from the past to the present but from the present to the past.
But this does not quite answer why
this topic should be discussed in February of 2006 when there are so many
others that could be addressed. The reason is that we may be standing on the
brink of another war, this time with Iran
over its determination to acquire nuclear weapons. Since it has also been
reported that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has recently stated
that the Holocaust is a lie and the State of Israel, which arose from its
ashes, has no right to exist, we have been confronted again with what is now
called “Holocaust denial.” These are serious matters which deserve serious
answers and the usual excuse of mental illness, or pure evil that seems to
afflict everyone whose opinions differ radically from what is generally
accepted, will not suffice.
In addition there was the flap in
regard to when a book should be called a “novel” and belongs thereby into the
“fiction” category or an “autobiography” which would place it into the
“nonfiction” bracket. This was precipitated by James Frey’s: “A Million Little
Pieces,” which purported to be a true account of Mr. Frey’s life of crime and
drug addiction. The book had been selected by America’s
talk show queen, Oprah Winfrey who can make and break literary careers, for her
book club and sales soared into a multi million dollar figure. Although our
press is somewhat less than vigilant we do have the Internet and the site www.thesmokinggun.com published an article
in January entitled “A Million Little Lies.” It pointed out that far from being
an exact account of his trials and tribulations, Frey had been not been
truthful and that Oprah had been duped. Ms Winfrey, who had at first defended
Frey, subsequently became furious and called him on the carpet in one of her
later shows.
The matter might have rested there
had Oprah not immediately thereafter endorsed the new translation of Elie
Wiesel’s Night as her next book club
selection. This reopened the question posed above: when is an account a memoir
and as such regarded as fact or a novel inspired by autobiographic events?
Since Night deals with Mr. Wiesel’s
experiences, first in Auschwitz and subsequently Buchenwald,
this book has assumed an importance which far outweighs any of the other book
club selections. When we consider further that Mr. Wiesel was the person who
popularized the word “Holocaust” in the context of the “Final Solution”
and has dedicated his life to keeping
the memory of this tragedy alive, it is obvious that our quest for the truth
will have to start with him.
Elie, short for Eliezer, Wiesel had a very
distinguished career and inasmuch as he was the chief spokesman for Holocaust
survivors President Jimmy Carter appointed him in 1978 Chairman of the
President’s Commission on the Holocaust. Its final report called for, among
other aspects, the creation of a National Holocaust Memorial/Museum in Washington
DC, an Educational Foundation that
disseminates Holocaust information throughout American
High Schools and Universities, a
Committee on Conscience, and Holocaust Memorial Days. In 1985 he was awarded
the Congressional Medal of Freedom and in 1986 the Nobel Prize for Peace. He
has been Andrew Mellon Professor of Humanities at Boston
University, was inducted into the Academy
of Achievement in 1996; and was
invited to give a speech in the East Room of the White House on April 12, 1999 as part of the
Millennium Lecture Series hosted by President Clinton and his wife Hillary. It
is, therefore, obvious that Mr. Wiesel commands unparalleled moral stature in America
and is a person not only the public but Presidents listen to.
Although I had read Night decades ago and was appalled by
the humiliations, brutalization and outright murders that had occurred at Auschwitz
I also felt that some details might have been embellished. The book was not
written in the style of Frankl’s Man’s
Search for Meaning but in a tone one is accustomed to from historical
novels. This didn’t bother me because survivors of concentration camps had
every right to present their experiences in any form they wished. But when the
Oprah story hit the news and brought with it not only a resurgence of “Night” but also a reclassification from
novel to memoir by Barnes&Noble as well as amazon.com my interest in this
piece of literature was rekindled.
The Internet informed me that Night, which was published first in
French as La Nuit (1958), was based
on an account of nearly 900 pages written in Yiddish and published in Argentina
under the title “Un die Velt hot
geshvigen.” Although I do not speak Yiddish the language is sufficiently
similar to German, having been derived from it, that I thought it would be interesting
to compare the four versions: the original one which had been significantly
shortened to 256 pages prior to its publication in Argentina with the French
one of 178 pages, the first English translation from 1960 and the new one from
2006. Since the French and Yiddish editions are not commercially available here
I thought I might get them through my niece in Vienna
who works in the book trade. When she asked me if I can read Hebrew I was taken
aback and lectured her that there is a difference between Yiddish and Hebrew
and my ignorance of Hebrew is irrelevant for this purpose. Well, as it turned
out she was right and I was wrong. Since no help was forthcoming from Vienna
I did what I should have done in the first place; contacted the Marriott Library
of our University and lo and behold both
La Nuit and Un die Velt hot geshvigen were available
on the stacks. But to my great surprise the universally referred to “Yiddish”
book is actually in Hebrew, reads from back to front and only the title as well
as the publishing firm (Buenos Ayres, Tsentral-Farband
fun Poylishe Yidn in
Argentine, 716, 1956, in the series Dos Poylishe Yidentum) are in Yiddish.
Well, I had struck out on that one
but there was La Nuit and the Preface
by François Mauriac, which I could compare with the two English translations.
To get those Martha and I went to the neighborhood Barnes&Noble which was
busy selling numerous copies. When I asked the clerk for the original edition,
which I no longer had, he told me that I might as well buy the whole trilogy
because it’s the same price. Although I didn’t want to I couldn’t resist the
bargain and now I had Night, Dawn and The Accident. In retrospect
I am, of course, grateful to that clerk because the three books really belong
together but I shall deal with the other two later. There are some differences
between the two English editions of Night
in addition to the Preface by Elie Wiesel for the current one as well as
Wiesel’s Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech. The 2006 translation by Wiesel’s
wife is somewhat more concise and in colloquial American. While Stella Rodway
tried to stay as close as possible to the more poetic language of the French
original, the new translation is at times less so by cutting out parts of
sentences which had been used originally for further emphasis.
It is now necessary to point to the
importance of Maitre Mauriac, as he
was referred to by everyone in France
at that time, for the life and subsequent fame of Elie Wiesel. There are two
versions of what went on when Wiesel interviewed Mauriac in 1955 for the Tel
Aviv newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth. One
is by Mauriac in the Preface to La Nuit and
the other in an interview by Wiesel for the Academy
of Achievement. I shall deal with
Mauriac’s first. He had received the Nobel Prize for literature in 1952 and was
rather tired of interviews but as he wrote, “the young Israeli (Israëlien) inspired from the outset a
sympathy in me against which I couldn’t defend myself for any length of time [my
translation].” The conversation soon became personal. When Mauriac mentioned an
event his wife had witnessed at the Austerlitz
train station of wagons filled with Jewish children (wagons remplis d’enfants
juifs), which had disturbed him profoundly,
Wiesel said: “I am one of them.” The shocked Mauriac continued, “he had seen
his mother, a little sister whom he had adored and his entire family [tous les siens],
apart from his father, disappear into an oven fed with living creatures.” The
new edition has changed Mauriac’s words to “except his father and two other
sisters.” Although Wiesel commented on another occasion that his two older
sisters had survived he seems not to have mentioned that to Mauriac. The
Preface then continues with portions from La
Nuit and especially the now famous and often repeated passage,
“Never shall I forget that night,
the first night in camp, which has turned my life into one long night, seven
times sealed. Never shall I forget that smoke. Never shall I forget the small
faces of the children whose bodies I saw transformed into smoke under a silent
sky. Never shall I forget those flames that consumed forever my faith. Never
shall I forget the nocturnal silence that deprived me for all eternity of the
will to live. Never shall I forget those moments that murdered my God and my
soul, and turned my dreams into ashes. Never shall I forget those things, even were I condemned to live as long as God
himself. Never [2006 translation].”
These were powerful words and the
deeply religious Catholic Mauriac, whose novels dealt mainly with the evil in
man especially towards children, was profoundly moved. He went on quoting more
passages from La Nuit which described
Wiesel’s loss of faith in God and regretted that he could not find words of
consolation at the time. He mentioned that he should have said that the Jewish
nation has risen from the ashes of the dead, that we don’t know the worth of a
single drop of blood, of a single soul and that all is grace. “But I couldn’t
do anything except embrace him weeping.”
Such was the beginning of Elie
Wiesel’s career because it was Mauriac, who had encouraged him after this
interview to put his thoughts to paper which led to the mentioned publication
in Argentina
one year later, and La Nuit in 1958.
To what extent Mauriac was responsible for the final form of the French
publication, which reduced the Yiddish-Hebrew version from 256 pages to 178 and
rendered it into poetic French we may never know. Wiesel only mentioned that
Mauriac had become his lifelong friend thereafter who did everything in his
power to get the French manuscript published even to the extent of visiting
personally numerous reluctant publishers.
But everyone experiences the same
event somewhat differently and here is Wiesel’s account from an interview after
his induction into the Academy of Achievement.
As mentioned he was a journalist for the Israeli paper and had intended to
interview the then Prime Minister of France,
Mendès-France, who was also Jewish. He was unsuccessful in this endeavor but he
had heard that Mauriac was “his guru” and hoped that he might help him to see
the Prime Minister. This is how the interview came about as Wiesel tells it,
“We met and we had a painful
discussion. The problem was that he was in love with Jesus. He was the most
decent person I ever met in that field - - as a writer, as a Catholic writer.
Honest, sense of integrity, and he was in love with Jesus.
Whatever I would ask – Jesus. Finally, I said ‘what about
Mendès-France?’ he said that Mendès-France, like Jesus was suffering. That’s
not what I wanted to hear. I wanted, at one point to speak about Mendès-France
and I would say to Mauriac, can you introduce me?
When he said Jesus
again I couldn’t take it, and for the only time in my life I was discourteous,
which I regret to this day. I said, ‘Mr. Mauriac,’ we called him Maitre,’ ten
years or so ago, I have seen children, hundreds of Jewish children, who
suffered more than Jesus did on his cross and we do not speak about it.’ I felt
all of a sudden so embarrassed that I closed my notebook and went to the
elevator. He ran after me. He pulled me back; he sat down in his chair and I in
mine, and he began weeping. I have rarely seen an old man [Mauriac was 70
in 1955] weep like that, and I felt like
such an idiot. I felt like a criminal. This man didn’t deserve that. He was
really a pure man, a member of the Resistance. I didn’t know what to do. We
stayed like that, he weeping and I closed in my remorse. And then, at the end,
without saying anything, he simply said, ‘You know, maybe you should talk about
it’ [italics in the original].
He took me to the elevator and embraced me. And that year,
the tenth year, I began writing my narrative. After it was translated from
Yiddish [sic] into French, I sent it to him. We were very, very close friends until
his death. That made me not publish, but write.”
Those are
all the facts we can ascertain at this time about the genesis of La Nuit. In the same interview Wiesel explained how he had come to use the
word Holocaust to describe the Jewish concentration camp tragedy.
“Take the
word ‘Holocaust.’ I am among the first, if not the first to use it in that
context. I was working on an essay, a biblical commentary, and I wrote about
the sacrifice, the binding of Isaac, by his father Abraham. In the Bible, there
is a Hebrew word ola, which means burned offering. I thought the word
‘holocaust ‘was good: fire and so on. In the Bible, it was the son who almost
died, but in our case it was the father who died, not the son. The word had so
many implications that I felt it was good. Then it became accepted, and
everybody used it and then I stopped using it because it was abused. Everything
was a holocaust all of a sudden. I once heard a sportscaster on television
speaking of the defeat of a sports team and he said, ‘Was that a holocaust!’ My
God! Everything became a holocaust.”
Yes indeed
and the victims, as well as the descriptions of the atrocities, keep growing in
the genre of La Nuit. Although the
emphasis now is on the extermination of human beings and especially Jews by
gassing, rather than burning, Wiesel does not mention having witnessed that
atrocity in the book. Instead there is another powerful passage that describes
his experience in Auschwitz after the selection by Dr.
Mengele, who by the way was supposed to have worn a monocle which is unlikely
for an SS officer. While being marched in the direction of a ditch he was told
by another inmate that they were to be killed,
“Not far from us flames, huge flames,
were rising from a ditch. Something was being burned there. A truck drew close
and unloaded its hold: small children. Babies! Yes, I did see this, with my own
eyes . . . those children in the flames. (Is it any wonder that ever since
then, sleep tends to elude me?)”
As the procession of men moved forward
toward a larger ditch for adults, people prayed,
“’Yisgadal,
veyiskadash shmey raba . . . May His Name be celebrated and sanctified . . .’
whispered my father.
For the
first time, I felt anger rising within me. Why should I sanctify His name? The
Almighty, the eternal and terrible Master of the Universe, chose to be silent.
What was there to thank Him for?
We
continued our march. We were coming closer and closer to the pit, from which an
infernal heat was rising. Twenty more steps. If I was going to kill myself,
this was the time. Our column had only some fifteen steps to go. I bit my lips
so that my father would not hear my teeth chattering. Ten more steps. Eight. Seven. We were walking
slowly, as one follows a hearse, our own funeral procession. Only four more
steps. Three. There it was now, very close to us, the
pit and its flames. . . . [2006 translation]”
Two steps before reaching the ditch
they were ordered to turn to the left and made to go into barracks. The
narration continued with the previously cited “Never shall I forget” passages.
I have mentioned these details
because an account of this type does not show up in other Holocaust literature.
After selection, those that had been destined for labor were led directly to
disinfection, where they were also robbed of all their remaining belongings,
and then sent to their barracks; the others simply disappeared. The dramatic
countdown of steps towards the ditch also occurs in the subsequent publication Dawn in another context. The report of babies
being thrown into a fiery pit, which Wiesel emphatically claims to have seen
with his own eyes, has not been corroborated by credible witnesses. This part
of the story immediately brought to my mind the behavior of Egyptian overseers
who tore little children from the arms of their mothers handing them to the
fathers to use as bricks for building pharaoh’s “store cities.” I have
described that legend in The Moses Legacy
because it forms part of the Talmud, which Wiesel said he has been studying
diligently.
It seems, therefore, very likely
that poetic license had been taken which would have been perfectly
understandable especially when one considers the circumstances under which this
book first appeared in print. But on January
16, 2006 The New York Times
reported in an interview with Wiesel, “’But it is not a novel at all,’ he said.
‘I know the difference,’ he added, noting that ‘Night’ is the first of his 47
books, several of which are novels. ‘I make a distinction between what I lived
through and what I imagine others to have lived through.’ As it is a memoir, he
said, ‘my experiences in the book - A to Z -must be true.’ He continued: ‘All
the people I describe were with me there. I object angrily if someone mentions
it as a novel.’”
Well, there may be a difference
between “what must be true” subjectively and what can be objectively verified;
a topic which I have discussed in “What is Truth?” (September 2001) and
“Perceptions of Reality” (August 2004). We need to remember at this point that
Wiesel was 15 years old when he was transported to Auschwitz
and 16 when he was liberated from Buchenwald.
Adolescents, even when they have been brutalized, tend to go on with their
lives and while they will not forget their experiences they usually don’t dwell
on them to the extent Wiesel did. The possible reasons for doing so will be
discussed after we have looked at the other two semi-autobiographic books.
For now it seems that the contents
of Night had undergone several
changes before they appeared in the form we now know. A document that may have
originally been an attempt at soul cleansing was turned into one that is
gripping, but which may not be correct in all aspects. This assumption finds
some validation in Dawn and The Accident (L’Aube and Le Jour in the original French), which followed shortly after Night.
Dawn, is also written in the
first person singular and deals with young Elisha, who had been liberated from Buchenwald
and sent to Paris. There he was
recruited by a member of the Irgun, the illegal terrorist organization for the
struggle to liberate Palestine from
the British, so that the Jews could build their own state. The novel, apart
from flashbacks, takes place within one house during one night and centers on
Elisha’s conflict with his conscience when he is ordered to execute a British
captain in retaliation for one of their terrorist brotherhood who was to be
executed by the British on the same morning. The word terrorist is, of course,
applied to different people today but it was freely used and morally justified
in Dawn. Elisha had no scruples
participating in raids against the British where people got killed, that was
part of war, but murdering your “enemy” face to face, whom you didn’t even hate
is quite different. Wiesel used two devices to dramatize the situation further.
There is a countdown from ten seconds to one before he fires the fatal shot,
which is quite reminiscent of the twenty paces to two in Night and there is also the presence of the ghosts of his parents,
friends, and acquaintances who have all perished in the camps, as well as
himself as the young boy he had been previously. This assembly appears to be
saddened by what he is about to do because it will turn him into a murderer for
the rest of his life. This in turn would make murderers out of them because
they had made him into what he had become.
Biographies of Wiesel state that he
was associated with the Irgun but as a reporter for their newspaper. Since
Wiesel does not talk about this aspect of his life we don’t know what he did or
did not do at that time but the actions of the “Stern gang” and subsequently
the Irgun under Shamir are well documented in Terror out of Zion.
The Fight for Israeli Independence by J. Bowyer Bell.
Wiesel’s third book The Accident [Le Jour] grapples with Hamlet’s existential question: “to be or not
to be.” The narrator, whom we know mainly as “I,” (he uses the name Eliezer
only once in connection with his mother’s name Sarah) was nearly killed by a
taxicab, while crossing Times Square with his girl
friend. It may, however, not have been a pure accident but an unsuccessful
suicide attempt by not moving away from the oncoming cab. He was initially in
critical condition but recovered after several months of hospitalization. The
long months in the hospital, while flat on his back gave him time to reminisce
and come to terms with his inner demons. The accident itself and the
hospitalization are true but what thoughts he had formed can only be
conjectured.
Although it is acknowledged that Night would never have been written and
published without the help of Mauriac, the influence of Albert Camus on
Wiesel’s literary work has received less comment. Yet, for anyone who has read
some of Camus’ plays, essays, and novels it is apparent that Camus had a powerful
influence not only on Wiesel’s writings but mental outlook. Perhaps the most
important one was La Peste (The Plague). The theme of La Peste is: the sense of total
abandonment, in a city the gates of which had been closed because of a raging
epidemic; the coping mechanisms of its citizens which include indifference and
apathy towards those who were dying around them; the accusation of God for
permitting such disasters and especially the killing of innocent children. But
while Camus stressed the universality of human suffering, its reasons and how
to overcome it, Wiesel honed in on the specific Jewish aspects as seen through
the lens of Hasidic legends, Torah and Talmud.
While traces of La Peste can be found in all of Wiesel’s
writings and speeches, Dawn bears a
close resemblance to Les Justes (The Just Assassins). It likewise
contains one woman and four male terrorists in a single apartment who plot the
assassination of a representative of an oppressive regime for the greater good.
The difference is that Camus placed his terrorists into imperial Russia.
The victim is the Grand Duke and the terrorists, the
word appears as such in both books, are revolutionary socialists rather than
patriotic Jews. The similarity between the character of Ivan (Yenka) Kaliayev,
who kills the Grand Duke with a bomb and Elisha who executes Captain Dawson is
quite striking. So is the similarity between Dr. Paul Russell in The Accident with Dr. Bernard Rieux in The Plague. The existential problem
whether it is better to live rather than commit suicide was also extensively
discussed by Camus; first in the 1942 essay “The Myth of Sisyphus,” and
subsequently in “The Rebel” (1951).
These observations allow us a
glimpse into Elie Wiesel’s personal torment and how he tried to exorcise the
ghosts of his past. The key word became “memory,” which had to be kept not only
alive but aflame. The flames of the crematories, or the ditches, of Night became the focus of his life,
giving rise to the much abused word Holocaust that now divides our world. But
as mentioned one might wonder whether Wiesel had in fact personally seen
everything he reported or whether he had heard about some aspects from other Auschwitz
inmates. This is not a trivial question because it is to be expected that
rumors were rife in the concentration camp environment and human beings are
known to embellish misfortunes. It is also known that in criminal trials
eyewitness testimony is not always entirely reliable and needs to be
corroborated by objective evidence. I shall return to this aspect later in the
context of what is now called “Holocaust Denial.” Although the Holocaust and
the Final Solution are dependent upon each other their totality may be best
viewed as two sides of a coin and as such are not identical. Objective truth
about the Final Solution might be found in official documents while Holocaust
truth seems to be based mainly on the subjective experience of the victims.
Let me now give my personal view on
how the Holocaust concept came into being. There can be no doubt that the
adolescent Eliezer, was thoroughly traumatized by the events he had to endure
from spring 1944 to May 1945. He told us that he had been interested in
studying the Cabbala but his father had discouraged the idea because he was too
young for that. One studies mysticism as an adult after one has mastered all
the practical subjects that get one through life, he was told. Yet, his very
name Eliezer, was also that of the founder of Hasidism, Israel b Eliezer better
known Baal Shem Tov (master of the divine name) or Besht for short, so how could he be expected not to be drawn to
that subject? Very little is known about Wiesel’s inner life and the emphasis
has always been placed on atrocities committed by the Nazis, which undoubtedly
occurred. About his activities in Palestine,
which he refers to in Dawn we know
nothing. But even if we exclude Dawn
and concentrate only on Night there
are likely to exist undercurrents of personal guilt feelings in Wiesel’s mind
if what he wrote had indeed happened.
It is well known that relationships
between father and son, especially in adolescence, can be quite complex and do
not require Freud’s Oedipus complex for explanation. But we have been told
little about the feelings between father Wiesel and son prior to deportation.
In Night Wiesel only stated that the
father was, “a cultured person, rather unsentimental (un homme cultivé, peu sentimentale). No display
of affection, not even within the family (Aucune effusion, même en famille).”
The terseness of the sentences is telling and is followed by the statement that
the father was more interested in the affairs of others than the family. Thus,
the relationship is likely to have been distant and one of duty rather than
cordiality.
He gives two examples in Night of untoward behavior of sons towards their fathers during his
concentration camp days but he may not to have come to grips with his own
feelings. We are told that he had urged his father to take the family to Palestine
when there still might have been an opportunity, but the father had refused. Is
it so far fetched to assume that there could have been some lingering
resentment towards the father, who in a way had become responsible for the
son’s subsequent suffering? In addition we are told that the father-son roles
were to some extent reversed in the camp and the son became responsible for the
father; a burden he may not have always relished. We are also told that they
could have stayed at the Auschwitz infirmary to await
the liberating Russians but on the boy’s urging they did not. In this way he
had indirectly contributed to his father’s death in Buchenwald.
It would be surprising if this had not led to profound guilt feelings
thereafter.
There is additional potential
evidence that Wiesel is still haunted by the father’s death. In the Preface for
the new edition of Night he mentions
some passages from the Yiddish [sic] version that deal directly with this
topic,
“I remember that night, the most
horrendous of my life: ‘Eliezer, my son, come here . . . I want to tell you something . . . Only to
you . . . Come don’t leave me alone . . . Eliezer . . .’
I heard his voice, grasped the
meaning of his words and the tragic dimension of the moment, yet I did not
move.
It had been his last wish to have
me next to him in his agony, at the moment when his soul was tearing itself
from his lacerated body – yet I did not let him have his wish.
I was afraid.
Afraid of the
blows.
That’s why I remained deaf to his
cries.”
This has the ring of truth and if
it were to be the truth it would explain a great many aspects of his subsequent
life. A Catholic boy could have gone to confession poured out his soul to the
priest and would have received absolution, because that was what was called
for. To the Jewish boy this avenue was denied because only God can forgive sins
and his faith in God had been profoundly shattered. Father and God became
synonymous; in his mind he may have believed that he had killed both.
This may be the tragedy of Wiesel’s
life for which he has tried to atone. His personal guilt and hatred for his
perceived cowardice, at a crucial moment, could only be directed towards the
perpetrators of the situation he had innocently been placed in. Their crimes
must never be forgotten and even their graves must not be visited because the
Jewish people who had been brutally murdered did not have graves they could be
remembered by; their bodies went up in smoke. Some of us still remember
Wiesel’s violent opposition to President Reagan visiting the cemetery at
Bitburg, upon invitation of Chancellor Kohl, because among the hundreds of
soldiers who had died in previous wars there were also some members of the
Waffen SS. As a Catholic I couldn’t understand at that time what I perceived as
hate beyond the grave but when one looks at it in this context it does make
some sense. This becomes even clearer when one is aware that cremation is
unacceptable in the Jewish religion.
This psychological drama may well
afflict other Jewish concentration camp survivors. What they had to do in order
to stay alive cannot be described but can remain a life long burden on their
conscience. By focusing on the atrocities inflicted upon them and devoting
one’s life towards their future prevention it was hoped that a degree of mental
equilibrium might become achievable for the survivors. In Wiesel’s case this
seems not to have worked very well. When one looks at his most recent
photograph in TIME, January 30, 2006 one is reminded of what Mauriac has
described in the Preface to La Nuit,
“the gaze of a Lazarus risen from the dead yet still [pourtant toujours] held captive in the somber
regions into which he had strayed, stumbling over desecrated corpses [2006
translation].
This is Elie Wiesel’s personal
tragedy, which still haunts him and cannot be overcome by honors, fame, or
money. From these feelings the word Holocaust, in its current connotation, was
born. The fact that an originally religious term has been secularized and is as
such not acceptable for this purpose to some observant Jews is disregarded. The
Greek word appeared first in the Septuagint translation of the Hebrew Torah
where it refers to “whole-burned offering” or simply “burnt offering.” This
produced a quandary for truly religious Jews because under those circumstances
the murders committed by the Nazis would have been a sacrifice to God, which
was hardly the intent. Some observant Jews prefer, therefore, the term shoah for the “Final Solution,” which
simply denotes “devastation” or “catastrophe.” But that word also has its
problems because it is regarded as too general and does not emphasize the
uniqueness of the event, vociferous proponents of the Holocaust insist on. It
may also remind people of Al-Naqba
(the catastrophe), which is the term Palestinians use for the expulsion from
their homes during the establishment of the State of Israel. This was clearly
an event in Jewish history not too many Jews, both here and in Israel,
want to be reminded of but it is now inextricably entwined with the Holocaust.
Arabs cherish their memories too.
To sum up: the transition from the
“Final Solution” to the “Holocaust” was based on a semi-autobiographic account
by a young Elie Wiesel that accused the world of silence in face of a
catastrophe that had befallen the Jewish people. To the best of my knowledge Un di Velt hot geshvigen has never been
translated into English but since it is the forerunner of La Nuit and Night, which
has become required reading for our children and grandchildren, this should be
done. Under those circumstances we would get to know the genuine Eliezer Wiesel
rather than the one who is presented to the world via Mauriac. This comparison
is essential if we want to get at the truth of Wiesel’s thinking because the
consequences, which will be discussed in next week’s installment, affect all of
us.
Addendum, August 2009.
When this article was originally published I had been unaware that Yiddish uses Hebrew letters rather than the Latin script. This error stemmed from my Viennese upbringing, where a great many Yiddish words appeared in journals or books in our common type script. I am indebted to Mr. Israel Shamir of having pointed out the error and who assured me that the mentioned Wiesel book is indeed in Yiddish.
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